The Sazan Island project and redevelopment of a former communist‑era military facility span the Vjosa‑Narta lagoon and surrounding wetlands, an ecologically sensitive area known for bird migration routes and marine wildlife such as sea turtles. Environmental groups warn that bulldozers and excavators have already begun clearing sand, pine forests, and coastal habitats.[2] The government’s decision in 2024 to grant “strategic investor” status to Kushner’s affiliated firm Affinity Partners allowed accelerated approvals, bypassing standard competitive bidding and streamlined land‑use permissions.[3] Critics argue this effectively circumvented normal legal safeguards.

The proposed development, tied to Kushner’s investment firm, envisions a massive transformation of Albania’s southern coastline. Plans reportedly include 10,000 hotel rooms and villas, along with a luxury resort on Sazan Island. Albania’s Prime Minister, Edi Rama, has defended the project as a strategic investment that could turn his country into a premier Mediterranean tourism destination.

But Albania’s Special Prosecution Office Against Corruption and Organised Crime (SPAK) has opened an inquiry into decisions made in 2024 that altered the legal status of land in the Vjosa‑Narta region and around Sazan. Authorities are examining whether protected areas were reclassified specifically to enable the Kushner‑linked project.[4]

Public anger intensified when heavy machinery began carving access routes and fencing off land. In Tirana, thousands of protesters marched for consecutive days, carrying pink flamingo cutouts, a symbol of the threatened lagoon ecosystem.[5]  They challenge the legality of land‑status changes, the granting of “strategic investor” privileges, and the absence of completed environmental impact assessments. Demonstrations have turned confrontational with protestors breaking through police cordons and necessitating the deployment of water cannons to disperse hostile crowds. Viral videos showed security forces dragging away demonstrators at the construction site.

The continuing protests reflect not only environmental concerns but also broader frustration with perceived corruption, lack of transparency, and the influence of foreign investors over public land. A central question fuelling public outrage is whether the land, especially Sazan Island, could legally be transferred to foreign interests, or leased for private development at all. According to officials, despite the scale of the project, final environmental impact assessments have not yet been completed. This raises questions about whether construction activity already underway is lawful.

Sazan Island’s historical status as a military zone and its ecological sensitivity complicate any private development. The environmental issue is that such projects often expose tensions between economic modernisation narratives and the institutional fragility of environmental oversight. The Sazan case fits this pattern, with critics arguing that the government’s accelerated approval process reflects broader concerns about transparency and political favouritism.

It is certain that the controversy surrounding the proposed development of Sazan Island by entities linked to Jared Kushner has drawn renewed attention to Albania’s long‑standing position at the intersection of regional politics, foreign influence, and global strategic interests. Indeed, while the current dispute is rooted in environmental, legal and governance concerns, it also resonates with earlier episodes in Balkan political history, including the recently cancelled Kushner‑associated development project in Serbia, the 1935 Zionist exploratory mission to Albania and Albania’s contemporary role as host to the Mujahedin‑e Khalq (MEK), an Iranian opposition group. Taken together, these episodes illustrate how Albania’s geography and political orientation have repeatedly placed it within broader geopolitical currents.

The Albanian controversy closely parallels events in Serbia, where the government recently cancelled a Kushner‑associated real‑estate development involving the former Yugoslav military headquarters in Belgrade. Public opposition in Serbia centred on concerns about non‑transparent negotiations, the valuation of state property and the symbolic implications of transferring historically and architecturally significant property to politically connected foreign investors.[6] The main spark that ignited the public protest against the Kushner-associated real estate was the fact that the Yugoslav military headquarters was bombed twice by the United States Air Force during the NATO campaign in 1999, and that the American investor, ironically, promised to build a memorial for people who died in the bombing of the buildings.

Political analysts have argued that the Serbian government’s reversal reflected a combination of public pressure, legal uncertainty and political risk, particularly given the sensitivity of the 1999 illegal NATO campaign.[7] The Serbian case has since been invoked by Albanian civil society groups as evidence that such agreements can be halted when institutional accountability mechanisms function effectively.

The parallels between the two cases reveal a pattern of public distrust, environmental concerns and political sensitivity surrounding foreign mega‑projects tied to politically influential figures.

While the development is simply a business project driven by profit, politically influenced but not politically motivated, the Sazan Island debate has revived scholarly interest in a lesser‑known episode of interwar history: the 1935 Zionist exploratory mission to Albania. During this period, Zionist leaders, facing British restrictions in Mandatory Palestine, examined several alternative sites for potential Jewish settlement. Albania’s religious tolerance, low population density, and Mediterranean access made it an intriguing candidate for resettlement. Although the proposal never advanced beyond preliminary discussions, it foreshadowed Albania’s later role during the Holocaust, when the country became the only Nazi‑occupied territory in Europe where the Jewish population increased, due to widespread adherence to the Albanian code of besa. The Albanian code of besa, a customary ethic of honour and protection, played a significant role in motivating Muslim and Christian families alike to shelter Jewish refugees. This legacy has become a foundational narrative in modern Albania–Israel relations, frequently invoked by both governments as evidence of a historically rooted moral affinity. Contemporary Albanian and Israeli diplomatic discourse frequently mentions this historical legacy, framing it as evidence of a long‑standing empathy between the two nations.

The Prime Minister’s defence of the Sazan project on the ground that it offers long-term gains for the Albanian tourism sector is symptomatic of the influence of foreign political considerations on domestic policy decisions. For example, Albania’s acceptance of the Mujahedin‑e Khalq (MEK), an Iranian opposition organisation exiled originally from Iran and later from Iraq, adds an instructive dimension to the country’s geopolitical positioning. The MEK’s presence has been the subject of controversy, given its contentious history and the Iranian government’s designation of the group as extremist. Hosting the MEK has placed Albania at the centre of a sensitive geopolitical triangle involving Iran, the United States, and Israel. Albania’s decision reflects its broader strategy of aligning with Western security interests, particularly in the post‑2014 period.

The convergence of these episodes, the Sazan Island dispute, the 1935 Zionist mission and the MEK’s presence, highlights a recurring theme in Albanian political history: the country’s strategic location has repeatedly made it a site of external interest, geopolitical experimentation, and contested sovereignty.

While the specific actors and circumstances differ across decades, the underlying dynamics remain consistent. Albania’s political choices, whether concerning land use, foreign investment or security partnerships, are shaped by the interplay between domestic governance structures and broader international pressures. The outcome of the Sazan Island controversy will therefore not only determine the fate of a single development project but will also signal how Albania navigates the complex geopolitical landscape of the 21st century.

But the main message to take away from this controversy is that sometimes corporate greed trumps even well-intended political intentions. Indeed, the Sazan project proves the veracity of Mahatma Gandhi’s statement that the “Earth provides enough to satisfy every man’s needs, but not every man’s greed.”

[1] Anna Skinner,’ Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner Island Resort Project Under Scrutiny – Here’s Why’, Newsweek, 2 June 2026, at https://www.newsweek.com/jared-kushner-trump-albania-resort-environmental-corruption-protests-12021501.

[2] Urooba Jamal, ‘Kushner Island? Why a planned resort has provoked protests in Albania’, Aljazeera, 5 June 2026, at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/5/why-the-kushners-plan-to-build-an-albanian-resort-has-sparked-protests.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Anna Skinner,’ Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner Island Resort Project Under Scrutiny – Here’s Why’, Newsweek, 2 June 2026, at https://www.newsweek.com/jared-kushner-trump-albania-resort-environmental-corruption-protests-12021501.

[5] Zana Cimili, ‘What to know about the growing opposition to Trump family-linked resort in Albania’, AP, 4 June 2026, at https://apnews.com/article/albania-kushner-trump-development-protest-tourism-sazan-8d7d0e216c28d23fe1b2e51cbb05b926.

[6] Petrović, M., ‘Urban Redevelopment and Political Economy in Belgrade’, Southeast European Studies Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 2 (2024): 77–101.

[7] Vučinić, D., ‘Foreign Investment and Public Resistance in Serbia.” Balkan Policy Forum Papers 2024.

Dejan Hinic is a financial and investment expert operating from Belgrade, Serbia He received his law degrees from the University of Belgrade and the University of Queensland.

Gabriël Moens AM is an emeritus professor of law at the University of Queensland where he served as the Garrick Professor of Law. He also served as pro vice-chancellor and dean at Murdoch University. He is the co-author of The Legal Right to Disobey Law, Sidestream Press, 2026.

By Dejan Hinic and Gabriël Moens, Canberra Daily

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The war on Iran has given an opposition group that has long struggled for relevance in exile a chance to grab the mantle of history and present itself as a ready-made alternative to the Islamic Republic.

As Israel and the US began to strike Iran on 28 February, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) swung into action.

Maryam Rajavi, the group’s 72-year-old leader, announced the formation of what she described as a provisional government tasked with overseeing the fall of the Iranian regime and its replacement with a democratic republic with her at the helm.

For more than a decade, 3,000 members of the MEK have lived in a small village outside Albania’s capital Tirana, turning the Balkan country into an unlikely outpost of a distant conflict.

The group, founded as an Islamist-Marxist student militia in the 1960s, relocated to the village of Manze in 2013 when Albania agreed, at Washington’s request, to accept fighters previously based in Iraq.

Now, there is an opportunity that has long eluded the MEK, one that could lead it out of Albania and back into some kind of relevance.
The problem, analysts say, is that the group is far further away from power than it was during the 1979 revolution it played a significant role in.

“The MEK is not a serious alternative to the Islamic Republic. It is a thuggish and corrupt cult that is unpopular inside Iran,” said Thomas Juneau, a professor of Middle East studies at the University of Ottawa.

“As long as the Islamic Republic was firmly in power, it was mostly irrelevant for former US (and other western) politicians to support the MEK by attending its events,” he told Middle East Eye.

The US designated the MEK a terrorist organisation in 1997 before removing it from the list in 2012.

Despite the controversy surrounding the group, which was cracked down on by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini after the revolution and went on to fight for Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, the MEK gained international attention in 2002 when it revealed the existence of a previously undisclosed Iranian uranium-enrichment programme.

A role in the current conflict?

Iran has experienced repeated waves of protests in recent decades. Yet the opposition has remained fragmented, both inside and outside the country, with numerous ideological and political factions competing for influence.

The MEK, which began its life as a vehemently anti-American, anti-imperialist group, now stands out in part because of its willingness to cooperate with the US and Israel.

This alignment, analysts say, helps explain why it continues to attract attention despite its limited domestic popularity.
“This is not happening because people think the MEK will bring democracy or that they have any future,” said Sajjad Safaei, an expert on Iran and the Middle East.

“In some ways, because the MEK has no future, they are perfect for serving the interests of for instance the United States or Israel,” he told MEE.

The organisation remains highly structured and maintains networks among Persian-speaking activists.
Its Albanian compound reportedly houses media rooms and communication centers used to monitor Iranian developments and distribute content online.

“There is this running joke amongst Farsi speakers,” Safaei said. “That whenever you want to dismiss a Twitter or social media account, you always say, just remember that you’re talking to an MEK account in Tirana.”

Beyond propaganda, analysts believe the group may play a role in shaping narratives supportive of western policy toward Iran.
Such activity can create what Safaei describes as a permissive climate that reinforces arguments for military action. But its potential utility may extend further.

“So sabotage, espionage, inciting violence, sabotage of nuclear installations, assassinations, they’re probably very much involved there, I could imagine,” he said.

The MEK has also built a lobbying network in Washington.

Last year, supporters in Congress passed a resolution backing Rajavi’s “10-point plan” for Iran, which calls for the country to become a “democratic, secular and non-nuclear state”.

For Juneau, though, there is a critical distinction to make. While the group may be useful to outside powers, he argues, that does not mean it has a realistic political future inside Iran.

“It is crucial to distinguish that role from the delusion that it could play a constructive political role in a post-Islamic Republic Iran,” he said.

Gambit for power

For years the MEK has cultivated support among western politicians who see it as a useful instrument against Tehran.
Among those who have appeared at the group’s events are former British Prime Minister Liz Truss, former US Vice President Mike Pence, former senator Joe Lieberman, former national security adviser John Bolton, former House speaker Newt Gingrich and former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani.

Financial disclosures in the US show that some figures were paid substantial speaking fees. Bolton received $40,000 for a speech at a 2017 rally in Paris, while Pence was paid $190,000 for a speech delivered in Albania in 2022.
“Now that the fall of the Islamic Republic is conceivable, it becomes essential for western governments to take the issue of a post-Islamic Republic Iran seriously,” said Juneau.

The renewed speculation about so-called “regime change” has also intensified rivalries among exiled Iranian opposition figures, and the knives are out.

Giuliani, a close ally of the MEK, attacked Reza Pahlavi on X on 1 March.

“Reza Pahlavi is the heir to a regime of corruption and brutality imposed by outsiders on the Iranian people,” Giuliani wrote, adding that the son of the shah had lived “a life of a self-proclaimed ‘prince’ supported by the money stolen from the people”.

Mike Pompeo, a former US secretary of state, also weighed in, writing that “Iran’s democratic opposition is ready to step up and lead”, while quoting Rajavi.

Even so, Washington has not officially endorsed the group.

“The past shows ample precedents of US support for groups with little or no legitimacy in countries it invades can have negative consequences,” Juneau said.

Elis Gjevori, Middle East Eye

PS by Nejat Society: This article was published on March 10, 2026 when certain journalists and analyst had the  illusion of the alleged fall of the Iranian government. The war is now almost over and the Islamic Republic is still in power.

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Rajavi’s organization in Albania is trying hard to repeat the scenario of its old exhibition in Iraq during the time of Saddam Hussein, now in Albania.
Maryam Rajavi is recruiting corrupt elements in the Albania police and in secret service to fight against ASILA members.
At that time in Iraq, any fugitive from the MEK was imprisoned in the dreaded Abu Ghraib prison, or even worse, killed and buried somewhere in the deserts of Iraq in a remote grave.

Fortunately, in our country Albania, Rajavi needs much more effort and money to neutralize the members of ASILA.
Rajavi’s organization in Albania is trying to file a legal case against some members of ASILA, accepting huge expenses. It has even been strongly demanded that these Iranians who did not want to continue with Maryam Rajavi be charged with charges ranging from espionage to terrorist acts.
Until now, these corrupt elements in our police and anti-terrorism department have resisted Maryam Rajavi’s continuous demands towards the Albanians (Olsi Jazexhi, Gjergji Thanasi, and lawyers and journalists, etc.) These people are afraid of their reactions.

Such elements of the police and secret services, receiving huge amounts of bribes, try hard to file court cases against ASILA members on charges such as unauthorized public gatherings, spreading false news that causes panic among people, resisting police officers, etc. They are trying to persecute the quasi-official ASILA members and their supporters in every possible way.

So far, they have failed twice in their actions and their proposed cases have not been accepted by the judicial system. They try to intimidate ASILA members and supporters of this society or send them to court with false accusations, but they have not succeeded.

During this period, the manufactured cases have not been accepted by the Albanian judicial system for legal prosecution, but they do not stop trying to persecute. The amount of money Rajavi’s organization spends in this regard is really amazing.
You know that the judiciary in Albania is independent and their actions have already failed twice, but Rajavi’s organization continues to try and spend money.

I know that the corrupt elements in our Albanian police and security system are surprised why Rajavi’s organization is willing to spend so much money and time to harass those who no longer want to be with them.

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Eskandari suggests that these 6 people have been detained by the Albanian immigration Police as a result of a false flag operation launched by the MEK. He states, “the Albanian Prime Minister, Edi Rama has violated his political and social prestige at the cost of complicity with the devil Maryam Rajavi”.

According to Eskandari, who endured the oppressive ruling of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi in long years of membership in their cult, the history of the group and his own experience are evidences to prove that “the notorious and criminal MEK cult has no legitimacy among the Iranian public opinion and thus being a collaborator in the MEK’s bloody accord will bear no fruit for the Albanian authorities except disaster and destruction”.

He refers to the MEK’s siding with Iraqi former dictator Saddam Hussein. “For over three decades, Saddam Hussein was hand in hand with Massoud Rajavi,” he writes. “Their alliance led to the killing of a large number of dissident members of the group in Camp Ashraf, Iraq. Saddam would imprison and torture those members of the MEK who opposed Massoud Rajavi and wanted to leave his cult”.Criticizing the policies of the Albanian government to imprison members of ASILA, Eskandari warns the Albanian Prime Minister to learn lessons from the fate of Saddam Hussein.

Hassan Heirani, Gholamreza Shekari, Ali Hajari, Mehdi Soleimani, Hassan Shahbaz and Ehsan Bidi have been detained by the Albanian immigration and border department for over 5 weeks without being accused of any crime.

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Hassan Heyrani, Mehdi Soleymani, Reza Shekari, Ehsan Bidi, Hassan Shahbazi and Ali Hajari have been placed in administrative detention by Albania police with no excuse.

to download the video file click here

Hassan Heyrani is one of dozens of Iranian defectors who have abandoned the Mojahedin terrorist cult during the past years. The Albanian government which hosted the Mojahedin-e Khalq in 2016, is persecuting the defectors of MEK by locking them in the Karrec detention center. Iranian defectors are not allowed to have access to courts, to be sent in front of a judge and defend themselves in the court of law. The UNHCR which brought them to Albania, is ignoring the fate of this stateless people as well. Albanian counterterrorism officials who take orders from Maryam Rajavi and the Mojahedin cult, treat the defectors of MEK as criminals.

Hassan Heyrani explains the horrible conditions in the camp of Karrec, where they do not have enough food, no heating, are not allowed to meet their family members and are not allowed even to take medicines to cure themselves. While Maryam Rajavi and the Mojaheden command would have wished to have Hassan and his friends killed for abandoning the jihad, the government of Edi Rama is killing the Iranian defectors slowly: through illegal administrative detentions, starvation and keeping them in cold.

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The response of commissioner Gjeta to Mrs. Ballco faced protest by the Albanian members of ASILA association including Olsi Jazexhi, Gjergji Thanasi. The letter which was posted on Jazexhi’s Facebook account is as it follows:
In a letter that Chief Commissioner Ferdinand Gjeta replied to Margarita Ballco, Hasan’s wife, Commissioner Fredi makes several mistakes. First, he calls Hasan a citizen – at a time when Hasan, like the other Mujahideen, are stateless people. They are political asylum seekers in Albania.

Secod, Hasan Heyrani is not an Iranian citizen. He is a stateless asylum seeker.
Commissioner Ferdi in his letter shows that Hasan and his friends, repentant people who have abandoned the violent Mujahedin jihadis, were taken illegally, their asylum status granted to them by the UNHCR and the Albanian state was ignored, and they were locked up in Karrec as a threat to public safety.

Commissioner Ferdi says that the detention of Hasan and other Iranian men was ordered by Edi Rame’s Minister of the Interior, Bledi Cuci.

]llegal, criminal ban that violates Albanian and international laws. The Interior Minister of the Renaissance government has sided with Maryam Rajavi and the Mujahedin-e Khalq army in persecuting Iranians who reject violent jihad and terrorism.
Albanian wives of Iranians must continue the legal battle with Edi Rama’s Minister of Interior, for this criminal act he did to them.

Signed by Olsi Jazexhi, Gjergji Thanasi and ten other Albanian citizens

The response of commissioner Gjeta to Mrs. Ballco

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The Mojahedin are not the soul of our revolution

The Interviewer speaks of Rajavi’s assiduous political activity in the US administration and various European chancelleries which is presented by the Iranian government as irrefutable proof of being connected to the powers who are plotting against Iran. He refers to the reports on MEK’s websites on Maryam Rajavi’s speech in the Italian Senate last December 8, promoted by Senators Giulio Terzi and Marco Scurria.
In response to Luci’s first question based on how she assesses the influence of the MEK on recent events in Iran, Nazanin answered:

“It is completely naïve to think that Mek affiliates are not among us. They also have confidants within the government and state security system. Just do an internet search to see the terrorist actions carried out. It stands to reason that this would not have been possible without an information and logistics network within the country. But it is equally naive to think that everything that has happened in these three months has been fomented by the Mek. It is true that the Mek has enormous economic resources, it is connected to strong groups that can influence decisions in many countries, it has a highly developed propaganda system. But it does not have the favor of the people, indeed it arouses a certain widespread hatred among the people for their betrayal during the Iran-Iraq war and for their alliance with the Saudis. But they can influence the movement indirectly, especially through the use of their media. And the presence of their affiliates, in my opinion, is dangerous for the movement: they are trained, they know how to exploit public anger, incite violence. Their history proves that they will sacrifice everything to achieve their goal. However, despite the enormous effort, their weight is marginal.”
Regarding the alliance of the MEK with Israel and Saudis, two main US allies, Nazanin believes that the MEK as “the operative hand of the Saudi and Israeli services on the ground”, is used by the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia to put pressure on the Islamic Republic although “they know very well that the Mek, without a popular base, cannot be an alternative to the Islamic Republic”.

About the judgement of the Iranian youth on the MEK, Nazanin gives a comprehensive answer to Luca:
“The knowledge of our kids is based on the stories of their families, however the internet has been an important tool in their education. Perhaps, compared to their parents, they don’t have a very negative feeling but they managed to get an idea, bypassing the digital filters, reaching the organization’s website. Perhaps the very young still don’t have the analytical skills of political documents but they see the videos of their congresses, it seems to be in North Korea: all dressed the same, divided between women and men, staged speeches, programmed applause. They say they fight for women’s freedom, but all their women strictly wear head coverings. They wonder if it is possible that in that huge audience there is not even one woman who has chosen not to have the veil. They wonder how an organization that in 45 years has had only two presidents – the husband and then the wife – guarantee a democratic and pluralistic state. I personally believe that their belief in armed struggle represents a danger for Iran: we must ensure that the movement does not take this direction. We must be patient and not fall into the attempt to take shortcuts which can be very expensive.”

il Manifesto

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Dear sir,
We are a group of human beings who suffered a lot in the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK/ the Cult of Rajavi). I myself was imprisoned in the Cult of Rajavi for 20 years. I defected Rajavi’s prison in the hope of living freely in your country. Today I am free but six of my friends are unfortunately in an isolated camp. This is not fair to treat refugees like this in spite of the nice and compassionate character of Albanians.
Dear Mr. Prime Minister
Albania is my second country. I request you not to allow a bad memory of your beautiful country to remain in my mind.

Best regards,
Mohammad Reza Seddigh, member of ASILA

Mohammad Reza Seddigh

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It is unfortunate that six of my friends who are members of the Association for the Support of Iranians living in Albanian (ASILA), have been taken to Karreç Detention Center by the Police of your country while they have not committed any crime. We and their families are concerned over their conditions.

Dear sir,
I demand you to take immediate action in order to release our friends. I am sure that you will give us a positive reply and make me, my friends in ASILA and the families of my detained friends happy.
Wishing you and the Albanian nation best wishes, I sincerely congratulate you and the people of your country on the year 2023 in advance.

Yours Truly,
Mansour Barahooei – Member of ASILA

Mansur Barahooei

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Shahbazi is one of the six members of the Association for the Support of Iranians Living in Albania (ASILA) who have been detained by the Albanian immigration and border police in Karrec detention center, in north of Tirana.

Hassan Shahbazi on hunger strike

In a short message written by Hassan Shahbaz and published by ASILA, he states, “I have not had any contact with my family, particularly my sick mother, for over thirty days so I will keep on hunger strike until I receive an answer from the Albanian immigration Police.”

The other detained members who had also gone on hunger strike ended the strike after the authorities of the camp allowed them to visit their Albanian wives, following the actions taken by their lawyer.

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