The International Day of Forgiveness is held every year on July 7 to encourage people to be reconciled and forgiving. In the event organized by Nejat Society Albania to coincide with this day at the association’s premises, a number of students and lawyers gave speeches, discussions and exchanged views on the topic of “Forgiveness, Family and the Importance of Human Bonds”.

The attendees, while emphasizing the value of forgiveness in individual and social life, examined the role of the family as the most fundamental human institution in creating peace, solidarity and peace. The meeting also emphasized the importance of maintaining family ties, respecting human rights, constructive dialogue and promoting a culture of peace and peaceful coexistence.

Participants believed that strengthening human and family relationships could be an effective step in reducing tensions and creating a healthier and more humane society.

Appreciating the presence and participation of its members and guests, Nejat Society Albania expressed hope that holding such programs could play an effective role in spreading the culture of forgiveness, strengthening human values, and supporting the institution of the family. The organizers tried to draw the participants attention to the violation of human rights of residents of Camp Ashraf3, the headquarters of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) in Manez, Albania.

Nejat Society Albania Peace Delegation 2026

Nejat Society Albania Peace Delegation 2026

Nejat Society Albania Peace Delegation 2026

Nejat Society Albania Peace Delegation 2026

The conference brought together a panel of professional panelists from various fields to share their analyses and experiences on the importance of building a more just, secure, and peaceful society.

Several Albanian television media outlets covered the event, bringing the message of peace and cooperation to a wider audience.

Concerns regarding human rights violations in the MEK camp in Albania were also discussed during the conference. Some speakers invited MEK leaders to the debate.

Speakers, media representatives and other participants delivered a clear message from the 2026 Peace Delegation: Peace, dialogue and respect for human rights are the foundation of a better future.

Nejat Society Albania

The post Nejat Society Albania’s 2026 Peace Delegation appeared first on Nejat Society.

The dispute, which largely focuses on the threat the resort would pose to local wildlife, reveals more than meets the eye. Under the surface is an intricate set of problems related to Jared Kushner — President Donald Trump’s son-in-law and a close ally and confidante of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — and the presence in Albania of an Iranian exile group opposed to the current government in Tehran. All that comes on top of the news that the Albanian anti-corruption authorities have launched a probe into Kushner’s deal with Tirana, which poses a direct test also for the European Union which Albania seeks to join.

The Vjosa-Narta Delta — home to rare flamingos, pelicans, and turtle hatcheries — became Europe’s first Wild River National Park in 2023. But after Trump’s 2024 reelection, Kushner unveiled plans for a multibillion-dollar resort on the protected island. Prime Minister Edi Rama’s government granted “strategic investor status” to a Kushner-linked firm, reportedly waiving taxes and tenders and bypassing environmental reviews. When construction recently began, a “Flamingo Revolution” erupted.

What’s really important here is the possible geopolitical ramifications of this real estate project. During Trump’s first presidency, Kushner promoted the Abraham Accords – so-called normalization deals between Israel and Arab nations, including the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. Netanyahu hailed those agreements as a great diplomatic triumph. Kushner and Netanyahu reportedly remain in close contact, even as Kushner negotiates with Iran on behalf of the Trump administration. Kushner’s investment firm, Affinity Partners, was explicitly created to deepen economic ties between Israel and the Arab world.

To understand the broader context, recall Israel’s classic “periphery strategy.” For decades, Tel Aviv has cultivated ties with non-Arab states on the edges of the Middle East — from the Caucasus to the Balkans to Africa — as a way to break its diplomatic isolation. Today, that strategy is alive and well. Israel has forged close relationships with Azerbaijan (a key energy partner and Israel’s intelligence foothold on Iran’s border), Serbia (which has significantly increased its arms imports from Tel Aviv), Romania (which announced it will move its embassy to Jerusalem), and now Albania.

Albania fits perfectly into this picture. Strategically located in the Balkans, it is a Muslim-majority but secular state, a staunchly pro-American NATO member, and an eager actor looking to prove its value to Western allies. Crucially, it is also a European Union candidate country. Having another friendly nation inside the EU — or at its doorstep — would be immensely helpful to Israel as public sentiment across Europe turns increasingly critical of Israeli policies.

With EU member states debating sanctions, the potential suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, or bans on trade with the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, any sympathetic voice in the EU can be very helpful. Tirana is not yet a member, but its trajectory matters; and Prime Minister Rama has proved himself a strong ally.

Nowhere is Rama’s alignment with the Trump-Netanyahu tandem more visible than in his treatment of Iran. Albania is the country where thousands of members of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), the exiled Iranian opposition group that was previously on the U.S. and EU terrorist lists, have relocated after leaving Camp Ashraf in Iraq in a deal brokered by the Obama administration in 2013.

The fact they found their new home in Tirana is mostly due to a refusal by most other nations approached by Washington to host them. The relocation was conceived as a humanitarian gesture, rather than the provision of a new operational base for the discredited group.

That arrangement was not fully respected; there is documented activity of MEK bots originating from Albania. But Rama has embraced the MEK nonetheless, using it as a cudgel against Tehran.

As the Flamingo Revolution spread, Rama publicly blamed Iran for stoking the protests. In a blistering statement addressed to the Islamic Republic, he accused Tehran of cyberterrorism, of targeting Albanian institutions, and of hostility “toward freedom itself.” He then pivoted to a full-throated defense of Albania’s decision to shelter the MEK (without naming it directly), framing its members as “Iranian men and women whom you sought to silence through intimidation, imprisonment and death.”

This is remarkable for two reasons. First, it effectively endorses the MEK as freedom fighters — exactly the language used by top officials of the first Trump administration, including former secretary of state Mike Pompeo and National Security Adviser John Bolton, who reportedly have been well compensated for their pro-MEK advocacy.

Second, it deflects entirely from the allegations of domestic corruption and environmental destruction at the heart of the protests. There is no evidence the protesters waving flamingos are Iranian agents. They are Albanian citizens worried about their coastline. But by blaming Tehran and wrapping himself in the mantle of resistance to theocracy, Rama seeks to transform a local scandal into a battle in a global proxy war — one that aligns perfectly with pro-Israel interests.

This raises the question of the extent to which Albania’s foreign policy is aligned with the EU as it seeks to join the bloc. Even as the EU relations with the Islamic Republic are arguably at their lowest point since 1979, the EU does not recognize MEK as a legitimate interlocutor; nor does it seek to endorse the group in any shape or form.

To accentuate the split with Brussels, Albania joined Trump’s so-called “Board of Peace” and even agreed to send peacekeepers to Gaza, as per Trump’s plan, endorsed by Netanyahu.

In a sign of a deeper alignment with Netanyahu’s Israel, Rama traveled to Jerusalem, spoke before the Knesset, and was praised by Netanyahu for his “moral conscience.” There, he blamed “no one else but Hamas” for the Israeli military retaliation for Hamas’ October 7 atrocities – even though that retaliation has killed over 70,000 Palestinians in Gaza in what the International Court of Justice, a U.N. rapporteur and numerous international legal experts have characterized as plausibly constituting a genocide or genocidal acts. Such alignment accrued Rama tangible benefits, such as arms deals with Israeli firms like Elbit Systems.

While this geopolitical divergence is concerning, foreign policy is still the preserve of member states and candidates to join the EU, and some EU members have strong ties with Israel anyway. However, the allegations of corruption against Rama are one dimension where Brussels can exert real leverage.

Since Albania received EU candidate status in 2014, and formal membership negotiations started in 2022, the EU has repeatedly expressed concerns over corruption and the weakness of the rule of law in Albania. When protesters ask basic questions about who benefits from a Trump-owned resort on a nature preserve, Rama not only accuses Iran of meddling but insists there is “absolutely no chance” the development will stop.

Brussels cannot afford to look away. The EU could hold the Albanian government accountable here by demanding transparency; conditioning enlargement funds on strengthening the rule of law and the fight against corruption; and, ultimately, putting the accession negotiations on hold if those conditions are not fulfilled.

What Brussels needs is political will to protect its own tattered reputation. The flamingo-wielding protesters are not Tehran’s pawns. They are citizens fed up with the political elite’s high-handed neglect and arrogance, of which the Kushner project is only the latest expression. Brussels should start listening — and acting.

By Eldar Mamedov, Responsible Statecrafts

The post The Kushner-Israel nexus behind the Albania ‘flamingo revolution’ appeared first on Nejat Society.

In his 12-year run as prime minister, Rama has tried to drag his nation out of the depths of postcommunist depression through an economic policy of saying yes to just about any development that could bring in revenue, or what he calls “strategic investors.” Gulf and Western-backed projects have been given expedited approvals and government support. “With no industrial, financial or human capital to offer on the global market, the only thing left to sell is nature,” the Albanian author Lea Ypi wrote this week in The Guardian.

But the Kushner project is just one in a long line of unsavory and unpopular deals Rama has undertaken in a bid to curry favor with Western partners as he hammers home his “Accession before 2030” agenda — the campaign to join the European Union — which has been a key part of maintaining power.

Ivanka Trump may have been able to swim up to an island in the Mediterranean and scramble ashore barefoot, but thousands of migrants seeking refuge on European shores are now being warehoused in Albania, thanks to a five-year deal Rama signed with the Italian prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, that was roundly criticized by human rights groups but praised as “out-of-the-box” thinking by Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the EU Commission. In exchange for holding up to 3,000 people at a time while their asylum claims are being processed, Albania, which has lost 1.2 million of its own citizens to migration, received not much more than an assurance of Italy’s support in its EU bid.

In 2013, the United States came knocking at Rama’s door with a direct request: Take on the destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal. The Balkan nation had successfully destroyed its own a few years earlier, and the U.S. couldn’t find another NATO country to play host to the more than 1,000 weapons, which included mustard gas and sarin gas. The deal was scuttled after it was leaked to the press and citizens complained, but the heart was willing, as it were.

It wasn’t the first time Albania was asked to take on an outsize risk as a favor for its supersized ally. Rama also expanded an arrangement, initially negotiated before his time, to host members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq — an Iranian movement that opposed both the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republic. Though it didn’t garner the same kind of public reaction the proposed chemical weapons dump did, some Albanians questioned why their country was taking on security risks for a conflict thousands of miles away. Their fears were confirmed when Iran began launching cyberattacks on critical government systems, including a crippling outage in 2022. The attacks haven’t let up; the most recent was in March.

In the past, opposition to Rama’s gambits was modest. Now thousands of people are on the streets with a single, unified slogan: “Albania is not for sale.” The growing disenchantment with the notion that the only thing the nation has to give is its land at bargain basement prices could be a tipping point for Rama and his economy of “yes.”

By Erin Clare Brown, New Lines Magazine

The post Albanians Say No to the Economy of ‘Yes’ appeared first on Nejat Society.

The Sazan Island project and redevelopment of a former communist‑era military facility span the Vjosa‑Narta lagoon and surrounding wetlands, an ecologically sensitive area known for bird migration routes and marine wildlife such as sea turtles. Environmental groups warn that bulldozers and excavators have already begun clearing sand, pine forests, and coastal habitats.[2] The government’s decision in 2024 to grant “strategic investor” status to Kushner’s affiliated firm Affinity Partners allowed accelerated approvals, bypassing standard competitive bidding and streamlined land‑use permissions.[3] Critics argue this effectively circumvented normal legal safeguards.

The proposed development, tied to Kushner’s investment firm, envisions a massive transformation of Albania’s southern coastline. Plans reportedly include 10,000 hotel rooms and villas, along with a luxury resort on Sazan Island. Albania’s Prime Minister, Edi Rama, has defended the project as a strategic investment that could turn his country into a premier Mediterranean tourism destination.

But Albania’s Special Prosecution Office Against Corruption and Organised Crime (SPAK) has opened an inquiry into decisions made in 2024 that altered the legal status of land in the Vjosa‑Narta region and around Sazan. Authorities are examining whether protected areas were reclassified specifically to enable the Kushner‑linked project.[4]

Public anger intensified when heavy machinery began carving access routes and fencing off land. In Tirana, thousands of protesters marched for consecutive days, carrying pink flamingo cutouts, a symbol of the threatened lagoon ecosystem.[5]  They challenge the legality of land‑status changes, the granting of “strategic investor” privileges, and the absence of completed environmental impact assessments. Demonstrations have turned confrontational with protestors breaking through police cordons and necessitating the deployment of water cannons to disperse hostile crowds. Viral videos showed security forces dragging away demonstrators at the construction site.

The continuing protests reflect not only environmental concerns but also broader frustration with perceived corruption, lack of transparency, and the influence of foreign investors over public land. A central question fuelling public outrage is whether the land, especially Sazan Island, could legally be transferred to foreign interests, or leased for private development at all. According to officials, despite the scale of the project, final environmental impact assessments have not yet been completed. This raises questions about whether construction activity already underway is lawful.

Sazan Island’s historical status as a military zone and its ecological sensitivity complicate any private development. The environmental issue is that such projects often expose tensions between economic modernisation narratives and the institutional fragility of environmental oversight. The Sazan case fits this pattern, with critics arguing that the government’s accelerated approval process reflects broader concerns about transparency and political favouritism.

It is certain that the controversy surrounding the proposed development of Sazan Island by entities linked to Jared Kushner has drawn renewed attention to Albania’s long‑standing position at the intersection of regional politics, foreign influence, and global strategic interests. Indeed, while the current dispute is rooted in environmental, legal and governance concerns, it also resonates with earlier episodes in Balkan political history, including the recently cancelled Kushner‑associated development project in Serbia, the 1935 Zionist exploratory mission to Albania and Albania’s contemporary role as host to the Mujahedin‑e Khalq (MEK), an Iranian opposition group. Taken together, these episodes illustrate how Albania’s geography and political orientation have repeatedly placed it within broader geopolitical currents.

The Albanian controversy closely parallels events in Serbia, where the government recently cancelled a Kushner‑associated real‑estate development involving the former Yugoslav military headquarters in Belgrade. Public opposition in Serbia centred on concerns about non‑transparent negotiations, the valuation of state property and the symbolic implications of transferring historically and architecturally significant property to politically connected foreign investors.[6] The main spark that ignited the public protest against the Kushner-associated real estate was the fact that the Yugoslav military headquarters was bombed twice by the United States Air Force during the NATO campaign in 1999, and that the American investor, ironically, promised to build a memorial for people who died in the bombing of the buildings.

Political analysts have argued that the Serbian government’s reversal reflected a combination of public pressure, legal uncertainty and political risk, particularly given the sensitivity of the 1999 illegal NATO campaign.[7] The Serbian case has since been invoked by Albanian civil society groups as evidence that such agreements can be halted when institutional accountability mechanisms function effectively.

The parallels between the two cases reveal a pattern of public distrust, environmental concerns and political sensitivity surrounding foreign mega‑projects tied to politically influential figures.

While the development is simply a business project driven by profit, politically influenced but not politically motivated, the Sazan Island debate has revived scholarly interest in a lesser‑known episode of interwar history: the 1935 Zionist exploratory mission to Albania. During this period, Zionist leaders, facing British restrictions in Mandatory Palestine, examined several alternative sites for potential Jewish settlement. Albania’s religious tolerance, low population density, and Mediterranean access made it an intriguing candidate for resettlement. Although the proposal never advanced beyond preliminary discussions, it foreshadowed Albania’s later role during the Holocaust, when the country became the only Nazi‑occupied territory in Europe where the Jewish population increased, due to widespread adherence to the Albanian code of besa. The Albanian code of besa, a customary ethic of honour and protection, played a significant role in motivating Muslim and Christian families alike to shelter Jewish refugees. This legacy has become a foundational narrative in modern Albania–Israel relations, frequently invoked by both governments as evidence of a historically rooted moral affinity. Contemporary Albanian and Israeli diplomatic discourse frequently mentions this historical legacy, framing it as evidence of a long‑standing empathy between the two nations.

The Prime Minister’s defence of the Sazan project on the ground that it offers long-term gains for the Albanian tourism sector is symptomatic of the influence of foreign political considerations on domestic policy decisions. For example, Albania’s acceptance of the Mujahedin‑e Khalq (MEK), an Iranian opposition organisation exiled originally from Iran and later from Iraq, adds an instructive dimension to the country’s geopolitical positioning. The MEK’s presence has been the subject of controversy, given its contentious history and the Iranian government’s designation of the group as extremist. Hosting the MEK has placed Albania at the centre of a sensitive geopolitical triangle involving Iran, the United States, and Israel. Albania’s decision reflects its broader strategy of aligning with Western security interests, particularly in the post‑2014 period.

The convergence of these episodes, the Sazan Island dispute, the 1935 Zionist mission and the MEK’s presence, highlights a recurring theme in Albanian political history: the country’s strategic location has repeatedly made it a site of external interest, geopolitical experimentation, and contested sovereignty.

While the specific actors and circumstances differ across decades, the underlying dynamics remain consistent. Albania’s political choices, whether concerning land use, foreign investment or security partnerships, are shaped by the interplay between domestic governance structures and broader international pressures. The outcome of the Sazan Island controversy will therefore not only determine the fate of a single development project but will also signal how Albania navigates the complex geopolitical landscape of the 21st century.

But the main message to take away from this controversy is that sometimes corporate greed trumps even well-intended political intentions. Indeed, the Sazan project proves the veracity of Mahatma Gandhi’s statement that the “Earth provides enough to satisfy every man’s needs, but not every man’s greed.”

[1] Anna Skinner,’ Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner Island Resort Project Under Scrutiny – Here’s Why’, Newsweek, 2 June 2026, at https://www.newsweek.com/jared-kushner-trump-albania-resort-environmental-corruption-protests-12021501.

[2] Urooba Jamal, ‘Kushner Island? Why a planned resort has provoked protests in Albania’, Aljazeera, 5 June 2026, at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/5/why-the-kushners-plan-to-build-an-albanian-resort-has-sparked-protests.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Anna Skinner,’ Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner Island Resort Project Under Scrutiny – Here’s Why’, Newsweek, 2 June 2026, at https://www.newsweek.com/jared-kushner-trump-albania-resort-environmental-corruption-protests-12021501.

[5] Zana Cimili, ‘What to know about the growing opposition to Trump family-linked resort in Albania’, AP, 4 June 2026, at https://apnews.com/article/albania-kushner-trump-development-protest-tourism-sazan-8d7d0e216c28d23fe1b2e51cbb05b926.

[6] Petrović, M., ‘Urban Redevelopment and Political Economy in Belgrade’, Southeast European Studies Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 2 (2024): 77–101.

[7] Vučinić, D., ‘Foreign Investment and Public Resistance in Serbia.” Balkan Policy Forum Papers 2024.

Dejan Hinic is a financial and investment expert operating from Belgrade, Serbia He received his law degrees from the University of Belgrade and the University of Queensland.

Gabriël Moens AM is an emeritus professor of law at the University of Queensland where he served as the Garrick Professor of Law. He also served as pro vice-chancellor and dean at Murdoch University. He is the co-author of The Legal Right to Disobey Law, Sidestream Press, 2026.

By Dejan Hinic and Gabriël Moens, Canberra Daily

The post The Sazan Island Project and the Business of Greed appeared first on Nejat Society.

The protests are primarily about environmental concerns, land ownership, transparency, accountability and alleged preference toward foreign investors connected to Trump family. Many protesters are using slogans such as “Albania is not for sale” and are criticizing what they see it as an opaque government decision-making.

However, Albanian prime minister Edi Rama on Friday accused the Iranian government of stirring the ongoing rallies in Tirana. He claims that Iran is behind protests against Kushner resort using disinformation.

Albania’s close alignment with US policy preferences, particularly regarding the hosting of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), contributed to a significant recalibration of Tehran’s stance toward Tirana. This process accelerated the diplomatic breakdown and culminated in cyberattacks attributed to Iran against Albanian state institutions, in past years.

Iran was aware of the Western Balkans’ strategic sensitivity and the dominant influence of Western institutions in the region but its limited engagement in bilateral cultural ties became increasingly strained following Albania’s decision to host the MEK, a formerly designated terrorist group with a long record of acts of violence against Iranian civilians as well as officials.

The relocation of MEK members to Albania, strongly supported by the USA on the alleged humanitarian and security grounds, marked a critical turning point in bilateral relations. For Tehran government, the presence of an organized opposition group operating from Albanian territory was perceived as a direct challenge to its political and security interests.

Nevertheless, while Edi Rama is trying to project his political and economical issues onto Iran, the protests in Albania are primarily domestic in nature, according to the mainstream media such as Reuters, The Guardian and AP. The protesters’ call is centered on environmental concerns, allegations of corruption and broader dissatisfaction with the government. Protesters have even called for Rama’s resignation.

Rama’s accusations on Iran seems to be a political attempt to reframe a domestic controversy in national-security terms. The MEK’s presence in Albania itself can become a major protest demand. A protest movement focused on transparency and accountability could easily expand into other demands. This would fit naturally into a broader movement criticizing opaque decision making and insufficient public consultation.

If public attention shifts towards government transparency, the political outcome can be that more Albanians begin asking why such an important foreign policy and security decision –sheltering thousands of members of a cult-like extremist group– has received limited public scrutiny or parliamentary debate. The MEK may become one of several examples cited by activists who seek greater disclosure and public oversight of major government decisions. Thus, wider concerns will be raised by civil society and governance observers about transparency, consultation and accountability in Albania.

Mazda Parsi

The post Will the Protests in Albania Expand to MEK’s Controversial Presence? appeared first on Nejat Society.

Amir has not contacted his family for 39 years except for two times: The first time was in Iraq, in 2004 when his father went to Camp Ashraf. He was just allowed to visit Amir for a few minutes under the supervision of MEK commanders. His later trips to Camp Ashraf were not successful. He was no more permitted to visit his beloved son.

During these years, Amir’s brother, Adel has been cooperating with Nejat Society in order to send messages to his beloved brother in the MEK and so he has been labeled as an agent of the Islamic Republic’s Intelligence ministry. This is the MEK’s tactic to demonize all families who want to contact their children taken as hostages in the group’s cult-like system.

The second contact was made by Amir! He was forced by the group leaders to write against his own family calling them “Monsters”. “My family are the Resistance Units who are fighting the regime in Iran,” he added.

However, Adel had learned from former members of the MEK that Amir and many other members of the group are manipulated and coerced to write such words against their families. Thus, he continued writing letters to send love to his beloved brother. This is a part of his last letter that has been published in Persian on Nejat website:

Yesterday I received a new photo of you. To be honest, I was very happy that I was able to see a picture of you once again, and I was also very sad that after all these years I only had to see your photo and why can’t I even hear your voice?

My good brother, when I saw your photo, I just cried in silence for a few minutes, and in those few minutes, all the past memories with you flashed before my eyes. I remembered the cries and moans of our parents, because of their distance and lack of news about you, and I felt sad for them, who passed away with a lot of regret and sighs.

Amir Hezbepour is now in the MEK’s headquarters called Ashraf 3, in Manez, Albania. Residents of Ashraf 3 are not allowed to leave the camp. They are not allowed to have any contact with the outside world either. Their families, in Iran and across the world, like the Hezbepours are deprived from their basic rights to contact their loved ones.

The post To a Brother in the MEK: I Cried When I Saw Your Photo appeared first on Nejat Society.

This is despite the fact that 80 million Iranians have had access to the global internet in one way or another for years, and this access has only been cut off in times of war and security crisis, but residents of the MEK camps have not had access to the free internet for more than four decades.  Smart phones are forbidden at Camp Ashraf 3.

Interestingly, the leaders of the MEK never admit that the “MEK’s holy fighters” living in Camp Ashraf 3 in a remote village in Albania are under the hierarchical supervision of dozens of people responsible for their limited use of the Internet. While the Iranian people enjoy watching a variety of satellite television channels, MEK members are only allowed to watch “Simay-e Azadi”, the MEK’s satellite TV channel.” The MEK satellite channel, which focuses solely on the fight against the Iranian government, and if it shows anything else on very limited occasions, it is censored images of the most irrelevant news of the day in the world, without the presence of women or with severe censorship.

The MEK propaganda machine ridicules the Iranian Minister of Communications for acknowledging the right of all Iranians to full and quality access to the global Internet, while Mohammad Mohaddesdin, a senior member of the so-called National Council of Resistance, in an interview with the Voice of America, fundamentally denied the censorship and isolation of MEK members from the free world.

It is a familiar habit of the MEK propaganda machine to project onto others everything that Massoud Rajavi’s dictatorship suffers from, and to brazenly claim to be pro-freedom and pro-democratic.

Mazda Parsi

The post The Censoring MEK’s Ridiculous Concern about Internet Blackout in Iran appeared first on Nejat Society.

Representatives of government institutions,

Respected human rights experts,

Representatives of international organizations,

Ladies and gentlemen, friends and participants of this conference,

It is a great honor for me to speak today, on the World Day of Social Justice, on a topic that touches the very essence of human dignity: human rights, social protection and legal responsibility towards the most vulnerable members of society, especially refugees and Iranian citizens defected from the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) Organization, who have been deprived of their fundamental rights for years.

This day is not just a symbolic date on the calendar; it is a collective reminder that societies are measured not by economic or political power, but by how they treat their most vulnerable people.

Social welfare is not a privilege; it is a fundamental human right. The concept of social protection emerged from the historical need to ensure that no one is left outside the human protection system. After World War II, the international community understood that without social justice, lasting peace is not possible.

Social protection includes:

-Minimum economic security

-Access to health services

-Right to legal identity

-Protection from abuse and exploitation

-Social and legal integration

But above all, it expresses the recognition of the value of each person as a human being. Human rights are not privileges granted by governments. Human rights are born with the very existence of man. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights established the following principles:

-Every human being has the right to be free.

-Every human being has the right to think and choose.

-No one should be subjected to inhuman treatment.

-No one should be separated from family or community.

When these principles are violated, it is not just a legal problem; it is a moral crisis. Refugees are among the most vulnerable groups. International law requires states not to return people to countries where they are in danger, to guarantee legal identity, to provide access to justice, and to protect their physical and mental health.

The Geneva Conventions set a clear standard: protecting the human person is above any political interest.

But the real problem is not the absence of law; it is its implementation. The situation that many Iranian citizens who have separated from the MEK have experienced in this organization includes social isolation, restrictions on personal freedom, prohibitions on contact with family, psychological pressure, loss of personal identity.

After the separation, many were left without legal documents, economic support, full access to the legal system, or a public voice. This situation requires concrete legal solutions, not just human sympathy. The law is there to protect the individual from the abuse of power, whether it be state or organizational.

When an organization restricts individual freedoms, these legal questions arise:

– Has individual autonomy been respected?

– Has psychological coercion been used?

– Have family rights been violated?

– Has freedom of choice been restricted?

If the answer is yes, we are facing a serious violation of international human rights standards.

Leaving the closed structure is not the end of the problems. People who leave face:

-Psychological trauma

-Social distrust

-Economic problems

-Cultural isolation

Social support should include:

-Psychological rehabilitation

-Legal assistance

-Education and skills training

-Social support

Society should not only save people from injustice; it should also help them rebuild their lives.

The mission of Nejat Society Albania is not political; it is humanitarian.

Its objectives:

-Defense of fundamental rights of individuals

-Legal aid

-Reestablishment of family ties

-Social and professional integration

In practice, it means giving back to the most important thing to man: his voice.

The global challenges that stand in the way of this path are: mass migration, ideological conflicts, psychological control and disinformation. The law must evolve to protect the individual not only from physical violence, but also from psychological and social control. And the main tasks of governments are:

-Preventing violations of rights

-Protecting victims

-Reintegrating individuals into society

Without these three pillars, social protection is just a theory. Silence in the face of injustice is not neutrality; it is complicity with it.

Conclusion:

Every era is judged by how it treats the powerless. If we want a just society, we must protect the most voiceless. Social protection is not politics; it is humanity in action.

Thank you.

The post Speech by Ilir Murra, lawyer of Nejat Society Albania, at the World Day of Social Justice Conference appeared first on Nejat Society.

To understand the misfortune that has befallen Albania by welcoming these refugees expelled from Iran, let’s clarify that the MEK group originated in Iran in the 1960s as a radical student group (the so-called “Marxists with bombs”), but after the Khomeynist revolution it evolved into a dogmatic, sectarian, and anti-Iranian guerrilla fanaticism. At least 17,000 people have been confirmed dead as a result of MEK terrorist attacks (scientists, politicians, academics, and ordinary Iranians). Its members, who fought against Iran alongside Saddam Hussein in the 1980-88 Iraq-Iran War, are fanatical worshipers of Masoud Rajavi—presumably dead in 2003—and his wife, Maryam. Until recently, the organization was labeled a “foreign terrorist organization” by both the United States and Iran.

After 2003, they proclaimed their renunciation of violence to become “supporters of human rights.” In 2013, the group was granted official refuge in Albania. But what is really interesting is the group’s double standards. While the Rajavi leaders preach a life of austere and revolutionary sacrifice for ordinary members, they themselves live in unbridled luxury in Paris, where they maintain a political umbrella. (Le Canard Enchaîné showed Maryam Rajavi—the group’s self-proclaimed president—and an entourage of bodyguards renting an entire spa resort in Vichy, spending €29,000 in cash on massages, mud baths, and hydrotherapy; the year before, the Rajavis had spent the same amount on travel.) Meanwhile, in Ashraf-3, ordinary members endure a rigid militarization without telephones or news, following inflexible schedules, often sleep-deprived and ill.

For over a decade, Albania has served as a refuge for Mojahedin-e-Khalq exiles. Initially a humanitarian gesture on the Albanian side, the reception of the MEK has now become a serious security concern and is effectively beyond the control of Tirana, which is appealing to its Western allies to investigate the MEK’s crimes in Ashraf-3 by searching for evidence of cyber-attacks launched from within the camp. Hosting the MEK has turned Albania into a “front line” of Iranian hostility. In July 2022, hackers paralyzed the e-Albania portal, delaying school registrations and real estate deposits: a “cyber war” for which Albania immediately severed diplomatic relations with Tehran, accusing it of these actions.

In early 2023, Albanian state prosecutors accused MEK members of secretly conducting cyberattacks and activities against the Iranian government. Months of online surveillance pointed to a vast hidden “troll factory” in Manzë. In June 2023, Albanian authorities decided to intervene, and on June 20, 2023, the “Special Police” raided Ashraf-3 on the orders of a Special Court, armed with search warrants for espionage and cybercrime. The camp sealed its entrances, and the incursion was met with fierce resistance and dozens of injuries, although the exact toll and details are unknown. However, the police seized around a hundred workstations and dozens of laptops, tablets, and drives, saving them from the MEK’s attempted destruction. The Special Prosecutor’s Office (SPAK) formally announced an investigation into “incitement to war, unlawful interception of computer data, interference with computer systems,” and related offenses: a criminal case of unprecedented severity, built on evidence discovered at Camp Ashraf-3.

In June 2025, a hacker group openly boasted of sabotaging Tirana’s municipal websites “in retaliation” for Albania’s hosting of “terrorists.” The Iranian hacker group Homeland Justice claimed to have extracted data from the city’s servers and threatened further attacks, so much so that Albania has now formally asked its NATO and EU allies to help decrypt Ashraf-3’s computers for incriminating evidence.

This spiral of hostility was predictable. Albania knew that inviting over 2,500 MEK members onto its soil would provoke Tehran. However, under intense pressure from the United States and the United Nations, Tirana ignored these warnings. The result is that the MEK camp in Ashraf-3 is now a ticking time bomb on Albanian soil, as the group’s own anti-Iranian propaganda has turned Albania into a primary target for Iranian cyber attacks. Western and Albanian analysts now claim that the MEK is “out of Albania’s control” and that Albania has reached a “strategic dead end” in managing the MEK, which has now emerged as a self-governing terrorist enclave that threatens regional security, incubating anti-Iranian propaganda and cyber warfare operations between Iran and the West. The MEK enclave of Manzë is effectively outside Albanian jurisdiction: it has its own internal police force, leadership hierarchy, and code of conduct. With evidence of illicit activity emerging, Tirana is on high alert. Roads to the camp are blocked by checkpoints. Technology agencies and police regularly scan the network perimeter, as the MEK group could hack foreign governments. Hosting the MEK has turned Albania into a target of a hostile foreign power (Iran), far beyond what Tirana could have anticipated.

The case also highlights the double standards of Western policy toward Iran. Indeed, under the guise of promoting democracy in Iran, the European Union has repeatedly praised Tirana for hosting the MEK, removed the group from its list of terrorist organizations, and prominent Western politicians have welcomed MEK leaders with open arms. Tehran, on the other hand, has consistently condemned the MEK as “sponsored terrorism,” calling Ashraf-3 an American plot. It has incited local sentiment against the Albanian authorities, creating divisions within the Albanian public. Some Albanians see the MEK as victims of Iran, while others see it as a group preaching war within its borders.

Maria Morigi of MARX21.IT

Translated from Italian to English by Nejat Society

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The hall was full of interested participants, who followed with attention every word of the speakers and their touching stories about the violence, isolation and deceptions in the destructive cult of Rajavi. The atmosphere was warm, emotional and full of solidarity with the families of the MEK victims.
Representatives of the Albanian community also participated in this conference, expressing their indignation at the way the group manipulates people and uses Albanian territory for political and terrorist purposes. Some of the speakers, former MEK members, shared their personal experiences, showing the true and violent face of the group and the abuses that occur within the camp in Manzë.

A special moment was the speech of Aldo Sullolari, president of Nejat Society Albania, who had just returned from a trip to Iran. He spoke about his meetings with many Iranian families who are waiting with hope for news from their relatives trapped by the MEK in Albania. “The voices of these mothers and fathers must be heard here, in Albania, where their isolated sons are. Our association will continue to be a bridge of communication between them,” Aldo emphasized with emotion.
The conference also read several messages from families suffering from the MEK’s violence and terror. Those messages touched everyone’s hearts, showing the pain that this cult has caused for many families.

At the end of the meeting, the participants had the opportunity to talk with members of the Nejat Society Albania and with former members released from the camp, expressing their full support for their humane and courageous initiative. Many of them emphasized that such activities help the Albanian public to better understand the dark reality inside the MEK camp.

The “Tirana to Tehran” conference showed once again that the truth cannot be hidden. The voice of families, the love of mothers and relatives for their children, and the desire for justice are stronger than any propaganda or deception of the violent MEK cult.

“Tirana to Tehran” Conference, a journey between cultures and truths

“Tirana to Tehran” Conference, a journey between cultures and truths

“Tirana to Tehran” Conference, a journey between cultures and truths

The post Tirana to Tehran Conference held in Tirana appeared first on Nejat Society.