In the midst of this, we were once again called to a grand meeting in the large hall.

The leader stepped onto the stage with heavy, determined steps. On either side of the stairs stood armed guards, motionless as statues. Further back, like a second wall, stood additional bodyguards. The security was massive, suffocating.

He stopped in the middle of the stage. His gaze swept over us.

The hall was filled – a sea of ​​green uniforms, broken by perfect, symmetrical blocks of red from the women’s headscarves. Everything was orderly. Controlled. Almost militarily beautiful. And completely lifeless.

He opened his mouth: “As part of Maryam’s ideological revolution, I have a gift for all of you…”

A gift. The word echoed strangely in my head.

“You have given me everything. But you have kept the most personal. Something that has prevented you from fully uniting with me and the struggle. Your sexual fantasies.”

He paused.

“From now on, we will introduce the weekly ablution. You will write down every private, every sexual thought you have during the week. And at the end of the week, you will read it out loud to others. The other members will attack your dirty thoughts… and you will be purified.”

Silence. Not an ordinary silence – but a total, suffocating stillness. Ten thousand people in the same room… and yet there was barely a breath. It felt as if time had stopped. As if the air had frozen. A pin could have been heard to drop.

How is this a gift?

Thoughts raced through my mind. This was not a gift. It was a demand. A demand for the last thing that was mine.

We had already lost everything – our lives, our choices, our relationships. We had no contact with the opposite sex. But thoughts… Thoughts were the last thing anyone could take away from us.

I thought.

Now they too would be gone. What is left of a self when even your innermost thoughts belong to someone else?

Maybe that was exactly the point. To wipe out the self. To replace it with something else. Something that fit into their world.

That was exactly what they had taught us about the ideological revolution.

I remembered the videotapes from the late 80s. Our parents had been in these meetings. We were children then. In the films, the leader spoke with a different voice – softer, almost convincing. He spoke of sacrifice.

How they had left everything behind: their lives in Iran, their careers, their lives in the West. But he also said they hadn’t sacrificed everything.

“Why fight halfheartedly?” he asked. “Why not take the final step?” He put his hand in his pocket. “You’re hiding something from me.”

He took out a pack of cigarettes and a lighter and placed them on the table. “What do you have in your pockets that you don’t want to give up?”

The private. The hidden. What was still theirs. “Give it to me.” Then it was about spouses and children.

Now, almost fifteen years later, that wasn’t enough anymore. Now even the thoughts would go away.

Fear crept into my body in a way I had never felt before. Not even the missile attacks had scared me this much. The air was electric. Tense to the point of breaking. As if a single spark could blow everything up.

Why did everyone react like this? And why… didn’t I feel anything?

Women in the MEK: Trapped, tortured, and silenced

Brainwashed by Brother Massoud

A young man pushed his way forward. I recognized him immediately. Reza Chavoshi. The MEK’s kid from Germany. The one who used to listen to Ice Cube and gangster rap.

Now he stood there with a wild look and shouted: “Thank you, Brother Massoud! You have freed us from our inner devil! I was the devil!”

I stared at him. What the hell…? How could he change so completely?

It was as if all these people had been missing something. A final piece of the puzzle. A key.

And now the leader had given it to them. And their reactions exploded.

One by one, those who had been sitting still stood up. They lined up. The lines wound all the way to the back of the hall.

Finally, I saw it. I was the only one left sitting. Either they really believed this. Or they didn’t dare do otherwise. But I couldn’t get up. I couldn’t. How could I, at seventeen, feel that something was wrong?

while an elderly man from the United States – a man who had lived in a democratic society, had received an education, lived with freedom – stood there shouting that he had been freed from his “invisible shackles”?

One by one they came forward and thanked him.

Psychological pressure by Massoud’s devotees

Then a short, gray-haired man came up to the microphone. His name was also Massoud. He had lived in London. His voice trembled: “I’m sorry, brother Massoud… but I don’t think I can handle this…”

He couldn’t take it anymore. A roar erupted. Protests. Loud, aggressive. Growing. Then, as if on command, the entire hall began to shout: “Gomsho Pasdar! Gomsho Pasdar!” [in persain] meaning: “Go to hell, you Revolutionary Guard!”

Ten thousand voices. Like a wave.

The gray-haired man covered his ears. He collapsed. Started to cry.

I had seen people attacked in smaller meetings before. But this… This was something completely different. It was brutal. Crushing. And even though I wasn’t the target… I could feel the pressure. The psychological weight.

The leader paced back and forth on the stage. He smiled. He looked at the man. Then he said, almost calmly: “I’m not saying anything. It’s the congregation that takes a stand against you. And the congregation is always right.”

Amir Yaghmai

Taken from Amir Yaghmai’s X account, Translated by Nejat Society Website

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Maryam Rajavi’s presence in the European Parliament playing the part of a defender of human rights was a disgraceful and contradictory performance that drew criticism from many Iranians around the world.

Maryam Rajavi, as a person who is severe suppresser of critic and dissent in her organizational structure, caused shame and scandal to certain officials of the European Parliament on April 22 by being received at one of the halls of this institution in Brussels.

In response to such a scandal, some former members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) expressed their anger at this move by the European Parliament, condemned it, and published some of their memories on social networks, testifying about the gross violations of human rights in the MEK’s cult-like structure.

A defector of the group, Reza Gooran while condemning the European Parliament’s action, referred to the psychological repression of dissident members of the group. He cited from Massoud Rajavi the disappeared husband of Maryam Rajavi that “a dissident member deserves death sentence, but we don’t have a death sentence because we are in Iraq”.

This former member of the Cult of Rajavi, who himself experienced imprisonment and torture in Camp Ashraf, Iraq, also testified that “the cult’s torturers murdered a protester and critic who was a prisoner in the Ashraf Camp torture chamber.”

Some other Iranian users of social networks sent letters to the European Parliament, making the authorities aware of their reprehensible behavior in accepting the leader of a terrorist group with a long history of violence, terror, betrayal and sectarianism.

One of the letters from Iranian users addressed to the European Parliament, which is being circulated on social media, is as follows:

Subject: You invite Maryam Rajavi – Are you endorsing a terrorist cult?

To: Members of the European Parliament

Dear Members of the European Parliament,

On April 22, 2026, you invited Maryam Rajavi, the leader of the MEK (Mujahedin-e-Khalq), to speak in your parliament. You applauded her.

Let me ask you directly:

Do you actually support what she represents?

Because her organization has a documented history of:

Killing over 17,000 innocent Iranian civilians including a 3‑year‑old girl.

Fighting alongside Saddam Hussein during the Iran–Iraq war – the same Saddam you later condemned for genocide

Murdering 25,000 Iraqi

Kurds and Shias in 1991.

Running a cult (not a political group) – with forced divorces, brainwashing, and documented sexual exploitation of women by Masoud Rajavi, her husband.

Yet you invite her. Give her a stage. Applaud her.

So my question is simple

Are you thinking exactly like her? Are you her supporter?

Or did you simply not care to check the crimes behind the applause?

I used to believe the European Parliament stood for human rights.

Now I see for you, some murderers are acceptable as long as they are useful.

Shame on this double standard.

Sincerely,

A citizen who still remembers what human rights actually mean

In all the years that the Nejat Society and many other human rights organizations have been trying to shed light on the terrorist nature of the MEK and the human rights violations within this organization, the number of documents and evidence available in the global information space has increased day by day.

Despite all the accusations that the Rajavis have made against the whistleblowers, they still reveal that whenever MEK members refused to continue cooperating with the group and asked to leave it, they were subjected to physical attacks, humiliation, threats, and peer pressure at the instigation of commanders, mostly led by Massoud Rajavi. In these situations, the victims are subjected to severe verbal and physical abuse

Maryam Rajavi’s pro-democracy gesture is in complete contrast to the violent and ruthless actions of her five decades of organizational activity. Her presence in the European Parliament means using the issue of executions and human rights violations as a tool for political purposes. We cannot claim freedom, democracy, and the defense of the rights of the Iranian people and turn a blind eye to the behavior of Maryam and Massoud Rajavi against their fellow Iranians.

Mazda Parsi

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On Saturday, February 7, at the MEK’s so-called Free Iran rally held to mark the anniversary of the victory of the 1979 revolution, in Iran, Iman Sefati, an Iranian-German journalist who works for the German news outlet, Bild, was attacked and verbally abused by Maryam Rajavi’s bodyguards because of a single question he asked Maryam Rajavi.

A short question from the journalist turned into a crisis for Maryam Rajavi’s bodyguards. Iman Sefati was met with silence by the side of Maryam Rajavi for asking a question that criticized the background of the MEK, and her answer was replaced by an onslaught from her bodyguards. The question was: “Ms. Maryam Rajavi! What is your opinion about Saddam Hussein?”. The journalist referred to the group’s collaboration with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war.

The attack by Maryam Rajavi’s elderly bodyguards began with verbal abuse and labeling the journalist as Iranian spy. They tried to forcibly take the cell phones of Iman Sefati and his colleague, but they were unsuccessful due to the intervention of the Berlin police.

Along with publishing a video of the incident on his account, Sefati wrote to Maryam Rajavi and the speakers of the event on the X social network:

As a journalist, I just wanted to ask you some questions. A basic right in a democracy. Reaction: Kicks in the groin, blows to the torso, pushing and choking. Is this the group’s understanding of democracy, freedom of expression and diversity of opinions?

The post Maryam Rajavi’s Bodyguards Attack BILD Journalist in Berlin Rally appeared first on Nejat Society.

There are reports and testimonies that describe a systematic pattern of abuse under Rajavi’s leadership, where women were forced to divorce their husbands and were subjected to sexual submission to Rajavi himself.

Former female members such as Batoul Soltani, Zahra Moini, have provided testimonies detailing about abuses, including forced sexual acts and manipulation of women into “marrying” Rajavi.

Soltani testified in various documentaries and investigative reports that Rajavi had hundreds of “wives” within Camp Ashraf, Iraq, as many as the number of members of the MEK’s so-called Elite Council that consisted only female members.

The Elite Council is the symbol of women hegemony in the MEK’s system. The Council is a source of pride for the group.
According to the testimonies of Batoul Soltani and Zahra Moini, Maryam Rajavi, the MEK’s so-called President Elect and Massoud’s wife was involved in facilitating these “marriages” and threatening women who resisted. Batoul Soltani underwent the forced marriage ceremony called “Salvation Dance” which was actually a nude dancing, wedding party. After dancing nude with Masoud Rajavi, dozens of members of the Elite Council got married to him.

Additionally, some female defectors like Zahra Mirbagheri and Fereshteh Hedayati stated that at least one hundred of the MEK’s female members underwent forced hysterectomies without consent, which was retrospectively justified as sign of loyalty to the leader.

These practices were part of a broader “ideological revolution” initiated by Rajavi, which included banning marriage, enforcing mandatory “eternal” divorce, and separating children from their parents, often sending them abroad.

The MEK has consistently denied these allegations attributing them to “mullahs’ propaganda” but it has never explained why its leaders forced their members to divorce their spouses and why Massoud Rajavi married members of the Elite Council.

Mazda Parsi

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Sociologists classify people born in different periods into different groups based on fundamental changes in lifestyle. They call those born between 1964 and 1981 “Generation X,” those born between 1982 and 1997 “Generation Y” or millennials, and those born between 1997 and 2010 “Generation Z” or the Internet generation.

Research shows that Generation Z is committed to personal freedom. Their behavior falls into the liberal category in classical orderings. Masoud Rajavi, the disappeared leader of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) has recently called Generation Z as “the central core of future uprisings”, and Maryam Rajavi has lined up a number of surviving children of Mujahed parents in her recent propaganda shows boasting of the support of the younger generation of Iran (!).

It is necessary for the leaders of the MEK to learn more about certain concepts and words like Generation Z. Massoud Rajavi, as the creator of Rajavi’s personality cult, must understand that although Generation Z seems to be selfish and to consider themselves superior to others, they are so skillful in tolerating and accepting different and opposing beliefs, races, social levels, genders, and tastes. To the extent that some sociologists call them a generation of rationalism, pluralism, or plurality of beliefs. While tolerating others’ opinion is one of the missing concepts in the MEK.

The leaders of the MEK should note that trustworthy researches on the characteristics of Generation Z in various countries show that this generation has a great appetite for understanding the situation and the forces behind events. They do not easily accept media discourse. Therefore, Maryam Rajavi’s performance of forced rituals with a large group of women wearing forced hijab at Camp Ashraf 3, simply gives a glimpse of the real behind-the-scenes of her gathering with young people in European cities.

Unlike the reality of the MEK, where there is no room for dialogue and its members are suppressed for the slightest dissenting opinion or personal thought, Generation Z expresses their feelings easily, and believes in dialogue to resolve conflicts and improve the world. Members of this generation believe that change is achieved through dialogue. Common goals and motivations for doing great and new things bring them together, and they analyze and make decisions based on the data they collect from their communication networks.

Unlike the internal relations of the MEK, which are based on constant self-criticism and severe self-censorship, Generation Z usually avoids self-censorship. They present their demands without confrontation and conservatism, and express their opinions about family members, classmates, colleagues, friends, managers, and the government fearlessly.

Due to the historical record of the MEK, especially under the ruling of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, the MEK is highly unlikely to influence Generation Z in Iran. The MEK is known above all as a destructive cult with a history of extremism, terrorism and collaboration with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War. This criminal record has deprived the group of the support of the majority of the Iranian people, including the younger generations.

The MEK’s strict ideology, internal dictatorship, and numerous coercions in personal life have separated them from the demands of a generation that seeks freedom of choice, freedom of expression, and democratic values. Like their counterparts around the world, Iranian Generation Z is known for its strong emphasis on individual rights, free access to information, and a desire to create change based on modern democratic principles.

The past and present behaviors of the MEK, including its cult-like and authoritarian internal structure, and its historical collaboration with foreign powers hostile to Iran such as Saddam and Israel, are considered counter-values to Generation Z.

Thus, Massoud and Maryam Rajavi lack the necessary ability to attract the support of a generation that has critical thinking and believes in individual freedoms. The MEK leaders, with their organization’s problematic past, have nothing to say against the rationalism of Generation Z. This generation does not allow Massoud Rajavi’s fabricated, outdated ideology, which has the most illusory content, to emerge.

Mazda Parsi

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There is no publicly available record or credible report of Maryam Rajavi having participated in a formal, unscripted debate with an opposing point of view or undergoing a challenging, in-depth interview with independent journalists where she is pressed on controversial aspects of her organization’s activities over the past four decades.

Her media engagements typically include prepared statements, speeches at rallies, and interviews with sympathetic news outlets or journalists where the questions are often pre-screened or aligned with the MEK’s democratic gesture. All interviewers follow the specific agenda of the group.

The absence of such engagements is often attributed to several factors. One primary reason cited by critics and observers is the MEK’s highly centralized and authoritarian structure, which discourages independent scrutiny and dissent. The MEK has faced numerous accusations of cult-like practices, human rights abuses against its own members within its camps, and a lack of internal democracy, which challenging interviews or debates could expose.

Furthermore, the MEK’s history of violent struggle and its designation as a terrorist organization by some countries (though later delisted by the US and EU) has led to a cautious approach to public relations, prioritizing controlled messaging over open dialogue.

The MEK’s strategy is focused on maintaining a consistent public image, concentrating on its opposition to Iranian government and its so-called vision for a democratic Iran, while avoiding situations that could lead to critical examination of its past or internal mechanisms such as cult-like practices under the despotic ruling of Maryam Rajavi and her disappeared husband Massoud Rajavi.

Some analysts argue that the MEK’s hierarchical and authoritarian structure, with the Rajavis at its apex, is incompatible with the transparency and accountability expected of a democratic leadership. The group’s documented history of internal purges, isolation of members, and strict ideological control are reasons why open debate format would be problematic for their narrative.

It is difficult to consider Maryam Rajavi a democratic leader of a democratic organization based on her consistent avoidance of open, challenging journalistic scrutiny and the documented internal practices of the MEK, despite her widely propagated ten-point plan for future of Iran.

Mazda Parsi

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Most critics believe that despite the modern and pro-democracy appearance of the aforementioned plan, the implementation of this plan by the MEK is in contradiction with the MEK’s history and its authoritarian internal structure. However, in this article, we will discuss one of the provisions of the plan that is subject to criticism in itself: the seventh article of Maryam Rajavi’s ten-point plan for the future of Iran.

The seventh article of the so-called plan indicates a disregard for Iranian national and territorial integrity due to its stance on minorities’ autonomy. This is a complex issue with different interpretations.

Minorities’ autonomy or separatism

While the plan advocates for the self-governance of ethnic minorities including Kurds, within a so-called democratic framework, its implications for national integrity are debated among analysts and researchers.
“self-governance” within the context that Maryam Rajavi claims, refers to administrative and cultural autonomy. She claims that “Iran’s national unity and territorial integrity” would be the framework of such autonomy.

However, critics view any form of significant autonomy for ethnic minorities as a potential precursor to separatism, regardless of the claimed intentions, especially given the historical context of ethnic tensions in Iran.

History of cooperation between the MEK and the separatists

The MEK’s background indicates that its political wing, National Council of Resistance has a historical alliance with Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) which is an armed leftist separatist movement of Kurds in Iran. This have been considered as opportunistic and driven by shared opposition to the Iranian government. The KDP itself has historically sought greater autonomy for Kurds within Iran.

Besides, the MEK sympathizes with Jaysh al-Adl, a Sunni Islamist and separatist militia in Sistan and Baluchestan province. Although there is no credible evidence of cooperation between the two groups, the MEK media not only has not condemned the terrorist attacks of the group, but has always reported them with bias in favor of Jaysh al-Adl.

Documents were also recently published showing that the National Council of Resistance Office in the United States (NCRIUS) has provided financial aid to the Tahririyah Talab group of the Struggle for the Liberation of Ahwaz. According to this document, Alireza Jafarzadeh, the deputy representative of the National Council of Resistance in the United States, has provided $350,000 in financial assistance to Saeed Hamidan, the leader of the Struggle for the Liberation of Ahwaz, in order to “support” him and his so-called “liberation” movement.

In its efforts to destabilize the Iranian government, leaders of the MEK not only ignore national and territorial integrity but also, they try to synergize with separatist groups in order to seek power in Iran.

The nature of such alliance can be strategic, focusing on immediate shared goals against a common enemy but it has not succeeded in over four decades. It just definitely marks the very characteristic of the MEK as an opportunistic hypocrite group.

Mazda Parsi

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Numerous reports from former members, human rights organizations, and investigative journalists detail a highly authoritarian and cult-like environment within the MEK, directly contradicting the democratic and human rights principles espoused in Rajavi’s public agenda.

The following are examples of the contradiction between Maryam Rajavi’s ten-point plan and what is actually being done within the MEK, extracted from non-Iranian sources. Therefore, the documents – which are included at the end of the article

– do not provide any evidence that Rajavi is implementing the provisions of his ten-month plan within his organization.

–Former members have consistently described mandatory participation in ideological sessions, self-criticism rituals, and adherence to strict dress codes, including forced hijab for women, even outside of Iran.

–The policy of forced celibacy, implemented by the MEK leader Massoud Rajavi in the late 1980’s and continued under Maryam Rajavi’s leadership, requires members to divorce their spouses and abstain from sexual relations, ostensibly to focus solely on the “revolution”.

Based on Massoud Rajavi’s doctrine, “revolution” refers to “ideological revolution” which is a cult jargon in the MEK that requires members to dedicate their entire being to the cause of the group.

–Gender segregation is also widely reported within MEK camp and facilities, further contradicting any claims of gender equality or individual freedom.

In a quite brief review, it is detected that the above-mentioned practices stand in stark contrast to the principles of freedom of religion, freedom of choice, and gender equality outlined in Maryam Rajavi’s ten-point plan, which advocates for a democratic, secular and non-nuclear Iran.

Mazda Parsi

Sources:
1.Human Rights Watch. “No Exit: Human Rights Abuses inside the MKO”
1.RAND Corporation. “The Mujahedin-e Khalq in Iraq: A policy conundrum.”
3.Goulka, Jeremiah, et al. “The Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK)”
4.Iran Human Rights Documentation Center. “Cult of Personality: The MEK’s abuses of Its Own Members.”
5.Maryam Rajavi. “Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan for Future Iran.

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According to Gabor, some people are addicted to power, to wealth and to acquisition because they want to make themselves bigger. Their sense of insecurity and inferiority makes them need power to feel okay in themselves.

He refers to certain dictators in the history such as Alexander, Napoleon, Stalin and Hitler. To make themselves bigger, and in order to get that power, they were quite willing to fight wars and to kill a lot of people, just to maintain that power. “The addiction to power, is always about the emptiness that you try and fill from the outside,” Gabor says.

First of all, why did they need power so much? The interesting thing is that physically, they were all relatively short people, about my size, or even smaller. They came from the margins; they were not part of the mainstream population. Stalin was Georgian, not Russian; Napoleon was Corsican, not French; Alexander the Macedonian, not Greek; and Hitler was Austrian, not German. So, there was a deep sense of insecurity and inferiority complex in them.

Remember Massoud Rajavi, short man born in a small town far from capital with no upper-class family! He finds himself in a situation that all the first founders of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) are gone. He takes over the organization. However, after the Iranian revolution he and his group cannot find any position in the newly-established Islamic government. So, he sets off for a bloody war with Iranian government.

“They needed power to feel good about themselves, to make themselves feel great,” Gabor suggests. “And to get that power, they were quite willing to wage war and kill a lot of people, just to keep that power.” That’s what Rajavi did in accomplice with Saddam Hussein and other war-addicts around the world. His addiction to power led him to build his cult of personality in which he violates the right of his member, abuses women and trains child soldiers.

Amir Yaghmai, a former child soldier of the MEK, recalls Rajavi’s compatibility with what Gabor says about power addicts:
A man of about 160 centimeters tall, full of sexual and psychological complexes, who had built the structure of a cult around his pathological need for control and power. Forced divorces, obtaining confidentiality signatures from hundreds of women, weekly sexual confessions, forced baths called “ideological purification baths” [self-criticism sessions as cult jargons in the MEK ]

None of these were signs of faith, spirituality, or liberation. Rather, they were all tools for dominating people, from the inside and outside. Rajavi was a concrete example of what Gabor Maté was talking about: a person who felt empty without power and found existential meaning only in dominating others.

Mazda Parsi

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This information will cause a stir among activists of the People’s Mujahideen Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK). Le Canard Enchaîné reveals in its Wednesday edition the lavish lifestyle of Iranian opposition figure Maryam Rajavi, exiled in France. According to information from the web-footed bird, which Europe 1 can confirm, she and her inner circle spent €130,000 last year alone on thermal spas, spas, and five-star hotels.
Biarritz, Deauville, Evian, and Vichy… Since at least 2005, Maryam Rajavi has stayed in these upscale seaside resorts several times a year. She is systematically surrounded by around ten people.
The bills are paid in cash for astronomical amounts: €65,000 in December 2023 in a five-star hotel in Vichy, or €38,140 last spring in a palace in Biarritz.

Suspicions of money laundering

These proceeds could come from the PMOI. In any case, according to information from Europe 1, this is what the French justice system is currently investigating, since between December and last month, two reports under Article 40 of the French Code of Criminal Procedure for suspected money laundering were sent to prosecutors in the Île-de-France and Hauts-de-France regions. They concern front companies affiliated with the PMOI.
The movement was classified as a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union between 1997 and 2013. It organizes an annual fundraising campaign for its activists and supporters. Last year alone, more than €7 million was reportedly raised.

William Molinié – europe1.fr

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