This denial is a strategic effort to rehabilitate their image and present themselves as a legitimate opposition force for a democratic Iran.

The MEK’s cooperation with Saddam Hussein involved receiving arms, cash and a miliary base in Iraq called Camp Ashraf, from which they launched attacks against Iran during the Iran-Iraq War.
They also assisted Saddam Hussein in suppressing Kurdish and Shia uprisings in Iraq in 1991, although the MEK vehemently denies it.

This historical alignment with a hostile foreign power during a devastating conflict led to their deep unpopularity inside Iran.

By denying this cooperation, the MEK leaders aim to distance themselves from these controversial actions and present a more palatable image to international audiences and potential supporters.

Documents on MEK’s alliance with Saddam Hussein

The primary documents and testimonies confirming the cooperation between the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) and Saddam Hussein include reports from the United States Department of State, declassifies intelligence documents, and testimonies from former MEK members and Iraqi officials.

Key evidence points to the MEK’s relocation to Iraq in the 1980s, their receipt of financial and military support from the Iraqi regime, and their participation in military operations alongside Iraqi forces, particularly during Iran-Iraq War and the suppression of the 1991 Iraqi uprisings.

A Specific document includes the “country Reports on Terrorism” published annually by the US State Department, which have historically detailed the MEK’s presence and activities in Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s Patronage.

Additionally declassifies intelligence assessments from various Western governments, though not always publicly available in their entirety, have corroborated these alliances.

Testimonies from former high-ranking MEK members, such as those collected by human rights organizations and independent researchers have also provided firsthand accounts of the MEK’s operational and logistical integration with Saddam’s regime.

Furthermore, statements from former Iraqi officials post-2003 have shed light on the extent of this cooperation, including the provision of arms, training, and intelligence sharing.

In the most recent court session examining the charges against 104 members of MEK as well as the organization’s nature as a legal entity, held on September 23rd, six former members of the group named Samad Eskandari, Hadi Shabani, Fathollah Eskandari, Kamand Ali Azizi, Doost Mohammad Farahi, and Foad Basri testifies about the MEK cooperation with Iraqi Baa’th regime during the Iran-Iraq War.

The impact of alliance with Saddam on Rajavi’s political career

The immediate impact of alliance with Saddam Hussein on the political career of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi was perceived as positive because they were successful in achieving some strategic goals as an armed opposition force.

Conversely, the long-term implications were detrimental, especially as Saddam’s regime was increasingly considered as invader to Iran and as an offensive regime that abused human rights of minorities, used chemical weapons against civilians.
Any leader including the Rajavis, closely associated with Saddam have been faced criticism and political fallout as his international standing deteriorated and finally his regime collapsed.

Sources:
1. Country Reports on Terrorism, US department of State
2. Reports of Human Rights Watch on the MEK, Human Rights Watch

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Through patronage, bribery, and special privileges, Saddam Hussein built a loyal base and established solid networks of informers throughout the country to monitor anyone who might criticize his rule or seek to overthrow him. One of the groups loyal to Saddam Hussein was the Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), which served as Saddam’s private army, and whose leader, Massoud Rajavi, had proved his loyalty to them in numerous meetings with Saddam and other Iraqi officials, in return for large-scale financial and military support, the MEK performed spying and military operations. The films of the meetings which were released after Saddam’s fall.

Saddam Hussein repeatedly engaged in open military attacks against his own people, and the MEK assisted him in suppressing the Hur Arab uprising in southern Iraq in March-April 1991 and in full-scale attacks on Kurdish rebel forces in the north of the country.

However, MEK officials vehemently deny any involvement in the crimes against Shiites and Kurds, claiming that they were attacked by joint Kurdish-Iranian forces and that the MEK did not even defend itself. The RAND Corporation report of the US Department of Defense reinforces the claims of on the MEK’s complicity with Saddam based on various press reports. These reports quote Maryam Rajavi as encouraging MEK members to “take the Kurds under your tanks and save your bullets for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps.”

According to Rand, Saddam Hussein awarded Massoud Rajavi the Rafideen Medal – a first-class medal of honor in the Iraqi army – after suppressing the Kurdish and Shiite uprisings. “Whatever the truth of the matter, many Iraqis believe that the MEK committed acts of violence against Shiites and Kurds on behalf of Saddam,” according to RAND report.

A Human Rights Watch report published in June 1992 also confirms the role of the MEK in eyewitness accounts. According to the report quoting an eyewitness, “85 or 90 percent of the population crossed the mountain road. They had to cross a river near Tuz that cars cannot cross. The river is 20 to 25 meters wide. They chose this route because the Iraqis controlled the bridge and the Kefri road, and the main road was controlled by the MEK [an Iranian opposition group that supported forces loyal to Iraq]. Several children drowned while crossing the river.”

However, the testimonies of former MEK members who witnessed the MEK’s involvement in the Kurds genocide are more credible than any other testimony. Many former MEK members have written about their observations.

The most recent testimonies about the role of the MEK in the massacre of Iraqi Kurdish civilians are contained in the memoirs of Amir Yaghmaei, a former child soldier of the MEK. Although Amir Yaghmaei was a young child who had just been separated from his parents and smuggled to Europe at the time of the suppression of the Iraqi Kurdish and Shiite uprising, he makes an interesting reference to the issue of the Kurds genocide in a part of his memoirs that relates to the time of the US invasion of Iraq and the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003.

In the fifty-sixth episode in the Iraqi deserts after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, before the MEK leaders signed a peace and disarmament agreement with the US army. In this part of his memoirs, he writes:
“They said that the Kurdish forces supporting the Islamic Republic, the “Yekiti” group, were approaching us… The news of the Kurds’ approach was enough to throw the atmosphere of the base into chaos. Faces were blurred; whispers rose. The organization had a dark history with the Kurds, especially since the first Persian Gulf War. At that time, they had clashed with the Kurdish forces and many of them, even civilians, had been killed. The organization always said that the Kurds were to blame; they were the ones who collaborated with the IRGC and attacked first.”

But Amir Yaghmaei, like many other members of the MEK who either participated in the operation or met first-hand witnesses to the Kurds suppression operation, continues: “But I had spoken to witnesses from within the organization itself. They said that the attack was not just a defense. When the fighting began, the organization did not stop at just defending its positions. They also entered Kurdish villages, attacked with tanks and artillery, and destroyed houses.”
“One said that they leveled a house with direct tank fire. Another personally confessed to me that he himself had run over a fleeing Kurd with a tank. These tragedies later caused an international reaction, and now the organization did not want to start another crisis with the Kurds.”

After the agreement was signed between the MEK leaders and the US army, the Americans interrogated each and every resident of Camp Ashraf. They, who had good relations with the Iraqi Kurds and their leaders, including Jalal Talabani, sought information during interrogations about the role of the MEK in suppressing Kurds.

According to the Iranian Center for Documents, citing a defected member, “The information from the American forces was accurate. It seemed that they had extracted [the information] from the interrogation of their teammates and they knew that in a clash between a team from the organization and the Kurds, a person named “Mohammad Reza Mohaddes” had commanded the killing of six Kurds, and the name of the person who opened fire on them and killed them was “Nosrat,” and the interrogator had downloaded their photos from the computer.”

Mazda Parsi

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Ali Akbar Rastgoo, a former MEK member, vividly describes the shockwaves that reverberated through the group upon Iran’s acceptance of the UN resolution: “The organization had built its army around the Iran-Iraq war. Their central belief was that the Iranian government would collapse without the continuation of war.” (Ali Akbar Rastgoo, The Mujahedin-e Khalq in the Mirror of History, Tehran, Center for Islamic Revolution Documents, 2005, p. 400)

Massoud Rajavi viewed the war as Iran’s lifeblood, holding its disparate elements together. With the war’s end looming, Rajavi predicted the imminent collapse of the Iranian government. He believed that the ceasefire would expose the government’s vulnerabilities and accelerate its downfall. In essence, Rajavi saw the war as Iran’s sole source of cohesion and legitimacy. (Ali Soltani, The End of an Illusion, Iran Newspaper, July 26, 2005)

The Iranian government’s acceptance of UN Resolution 598 brought the MEK’s armed struggle to a crossroads. The organization faced an uncertain future, casting doubt on the viability of its Liberation Army and its militant approach. In response, Rajavi presented a strategic framework to his members. Visualizing a triangle with ‘war,’ ‘peace,’ and a ‘war-peace limbo’ as its points, he argued that the current situation was trapped in the latter. To ensure the MEK’s survival, Rajavi emphasized the need to prevent a shift towards outright peace. Based on his assessment of Iraqi intentions, he proposed that the organization should strive to push the situation back towards war, anticipating a renewed conflict between Iran and Iraq (Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, Arising and the End (1965-2005), Vol. 3, Tehran: Institute of Political Studies and Research, 2006, p. 322).

This strategy, subsequently dubbed “Spark and War”, aimed to ignite conflict between Iran and Iraq. The MEK would provide the spark, while the ensuing war would be the desired outcome. All organizational resources were dedicated to disrupting peace talks and fostering discord. Rajavi believed that Iraqi intelligence and telecommunications apparatuses offered a more conducive environment for his machinations than the Iraqi society itself. Given their critical importance, the MEK activated a specialized unit to maintain close ties with these entities in order to create conditions favorable to the organization’s agenda. Although Saddam Hussein’s regime collapsed before the MEK could realize its dream of a second war, the organization exploited the ensuing chaos. Resuming urban warfare and resorting to tactics like mortar attacks and assassinations, the MEK sought to validate its armed approach and reinvigorate its demoralized members.

Rajavi transformed the MEK into an extension of the Iraqi military. Samad Nazari describes this subservient role in his book, The Devil’s Footprint. The Iraqi regime initiated the prelude to the MEK’s operation with a massive assault on western Iran on July 22, 1988. This attack involved extensive aerial bombardment and culminated in a ground invasion. In tandem, the MEK launched Operation Eternal Light on July 25, supported by Iraqi forces. Commencing from the Kermanshah – Gilan-e Gharb road and utilizing airdrops, the MEK advanced towards Kerend-e Gharb.

Benefiting from the Iranian military’s focus on southern fronts, the MEK captured Kerend with minimal resistance. Iraqi artillery provided overwhelming support, resulting in civilian casualties. After occupying Islamabad and perpetrating atrocities, the MEK pushed towards Kermanshah but was halted at the Chahar Zaber Gorge. Fierce Iranian counterattacks inflicted heavy losses on the MEK, and the battle raged through the night.

Ultimately, the arrival of Iranian reinforcements, including army, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, and air force units, marked the beginning of Operation Mersad on July 27, 1988. This decisive operation inflicted a crushing defeat on the MEK, signaling the catastrophic failure of their strategy.

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With Iran’s acceptance of UN Resolution 598, the illusion that had sustained the MEK began to crumble. Threatened by the prospect of an end to the war, they launched a desperate propaganda campaign. Painting Iran’s acceptance of the resolution as a sign of weakness, they plunged headlong into a dangerous fantasy: the invasion of Iran.

On July 25, 1988, fueled by delusion and bolstered by the support of Iraq’s Ba’athist regime, the MEK’s Liberation Army set out from their Iraqi bases. At 4 pm, they crossed the Khosravi border, marking the beginning of Operation Eternal Light. Their plan envisioned reaching Tehran within 48 hours, maintaining a minimum speed of 70 kilometers per hour (1).

In their delusion, they aimed to traverse the cities of Sarpol-e Zahab, Islamabad, Hamadan, and Qazvin in five stages within 33 hours to reach Tehran. The Iraqi government supported them with substantial military aid, including 120 tanks, 400 armored personnel carriers, 90 (80mm) mortars, 30 (122mm) cannons, 150 (400mm) mortars, 1000 Kalashnikov assault rifles, 30 (106mm) cannons, and 1000 trucks and vehicles.

As the MEK launched their ground invasion, a coordinated aerial assault unfolded. Iraqi jets and helicopters pounded Iranian airbases like Hamedan’s Shahid Nojeh, Dezful, Havanirooz 1st Combat Base in Kermanshah, and Saqqez 2nd Brigade Base (2).

A number of battalions employing 130-mm Field Artillery lined up west of Sarpol-e Zahab, raining fire down on Iranian positions guarding the Patagh Pass, clearing the way for the MEK’s advance. Iraqi aircraft also took out communication towers in Kerend, further isolating the Iranian forces. Attack helicopters hovered over the MEK’s frontline, spewing fire at Iranian troops and tanks stationed at the pass.

With MEK’s rapid advance, the Gilan-e Gharb border region became a scene of mass killings. In Islamabad, the MEK stormed and destroyed government buildings, unleashing a wave of terror in a grotesque attempt to win over the population (3).

Fierce clashes with civilians

While the MEK encountered minimal resistance on the southern fronts due to a stronger Iranian presence elsewhere, their dreams of a jubilant welcome in Kerend were dashed. Instead of open arms, they were met with fierce defiance. Gendarmerie forces, Revolutionary Guards, and even civilians banded together at the city’s entrance, putting up a valiant fight against them. The clash triggered a mass exodus. Families fled, seeking refuge in Islamabad or the surrounding mountains. By nightfall, Kerend stood eerily empty, a town surrendered to the MEK.

One brigade remained to secure the city, while the others, fixated on the “advance with maximum speed” strategy, pressed onward to Islamabad. Here too, the MEK encountered pockets of resistance. Local forces and government centers engaged in scattered clashes that stretched into the night. Meanwhile, the city’s residents poured towards Kermanshah, clogging the Islamabad-Kermanshah road with panicked families. The Hassan Abad Pass and Chahar Zebar Gorge were sealed shut.

Driven by their delusional belief in “popular support,” several MEK columns sped towards Kermanshah after capturing Islamabad. However, their momentum was halted before reaching Chahar Zebar Gorge by the very “support” they craved – the heavy traffic of fleeing civilians. The illusion shattered, the MEK vanguard faced its first real challenge. Their lead Jeep was ripped apart by an RPG, sparking a battle around the Hassan Abad Pass and Chahar Zebar Gorge. Despite heavy casualties on both sides, nightfall brought no victory. The following day (Day 2) saw renewed clashes, with the MEK commanders ordering desperate attacks. Each attempt, however, proved futile, leaving behind a trail of carnage and dwindling resources.

The MEK’s heavy losses

The MEK’s “advance with maximum speed” strategy unraveled within hours. The geographical conditions of the region, coupled with the effective tactics and deployment of Iranian forces (both the army and Revolutionary Guards), left the MEK floundering. Their offensive stalled, unable to attack, defend, or even maneuver effectively.

This vulnerability became increasingly glaring as time went on. Panic gripped the MEK ranks, particularly those recruited from outside Iran. These individuals, lured by political promises, had never experienced the horrors of war – the deafening roar of weapons, and the rain of bullets. Now, they found themselves thrust into the heart of a brutal conflict. Many were cut down in the opening moments, easy targets due to their lack of training and battlefield awareness. Their unfamiliarity with basic weaponry like the Kalashnikov left them unprepared for close-quarter combat. According to eyewitnesses, they peeked from trenches, offering themselves up as easy targets due to their inexperience.

The MEK leadership’s decision to promote inexperienced female commanders for political gain further compounded these problems. Many of these women lacked battlefield expertise, having served previously in logistical or political roles. Thrust into the role of tactical commanders, their inexperience proved deadly.

Continuous attacks from the Iranian Air Force and helicopters pounded the MEK forces. Helicopter-borne assaults from the surrounding hills inflicted further damage. Any attempt at movement became suicidal. The MEK found themselves desperately clinging to their positions, communication with command centers severed. Casualties mounted rapidly – commanders killed, wounded, or forced to retreat. The once-confident MEK offensive lay in tatters. Senior commanders pleaded with their leader for increased Iraqi air support. Mahboubeh Jamshidi (alias Azar), commander of the vanguard forces, even requested a chemical attack. However, Saddam Hussein’s attention had shifted. The botched Iraqi offensive on Ahvaz demanded his focus, leaving the MEK largely on their own. While Iraqi jets had initially participated in Operation Eternal Light, their presence dwindled by the second day. A lone helicopter, shot down by Iranian anti-aircraft near Kerend, showed this waning support.

By day three, the southern fronts had consumed all Iraqi air resources. No further support materialized, save for a few helicopters used to evacuate casualties. Faced with mounting losses – over 1,500 dead in just three days, according to the MEK’s own records – Rajavi was forced to make a desperate choice. Orders crackled through radios and walkie-talkies: retreat. It was a desperate scramble for survival. The MEK’s casualty list, while claiming only 1,500 dead, hinted at a far more devastating reality. More were wounded or missing. Only a meager 30 managed to escape back to Iraq. According to an MEK intelligence report, the remaining forces were scattered – killed or captured in clashes across the mountainous regions around Kerend, Islamabad, and other nearby cities. Iranian sources, citing available documents, estimated the MEK’s losses to be even higher – exceeding 2,500. Operation Eternal Light, a gamble that backfired spectacularly, marked the end of the MEK’s military ambitions.

References

1- Samad Nazari, The Devil’s Footprint, Nejat Association Publications, Tehran, 2011, p. 152
2- Reza Bastani, The Role of the Mujahedin Khalq Organization in the Iran-Iraq War, Negin Quarterly, No. 3, Winter 2002
3- Sabbar Fallah Al-Lami, Occupation and Medal, translated by Mohammad Nabi Ebrahimi, Tehran: Soroeh Mehr Publications, 2007, p. 22

The post The Eternal Illusion appeared first on Nejat Society.

According to Iraqi officials, the timing of their 1988 invasion of Iran was a calculated response to a shift in the balance of power. Iran’s recent victories in Operations Valfajr 8 and Karbala 5 had strengthened their hand, prompting Iraq to believe that a revision of the terms of UN Resolution 598, passed at the height of Iran’s success, was necessary. Diplomatic channels proving fruitless, the Iraqi leadership saw a renewed offensive as the only way to regain leverage in negotiations. They launched a two-pronged attack, deploying forces westward and towards the southern cities of Khorramshahr and Ahvaz (1).

However, another analysis suggests Saddam Hussein’s motives were more complex. This view posits that the invasion, undertaken in the war’s waning days, was a gamble – a chance to achieve a decisive victory. Success in this operation would have not only toppled the Iranian government but also installed a loyal government in neighboring Iran, fulfilling a longstanding dream of Saddam. Even defeat, it is argued, held a perverse benefit for Saddam: the elimination of the Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), an Iranian terrorist group the Iraqi dictator viewed as a threat. This perspective suggests that Saddam, motivated by a combination of ambition and paranoia, authorized the invasion despite the war’s near-conclusion and the implementation of Resolution 598 (2). In other words, despite doubts about the operation’s success, Saddam saw the MEK as expendable. In peacetime, they would be a burden – a burned-out and cumbersome pawn. In fact, by greenlighting Operation Eternal Light, Saddam aimed to achieve two objectives: eliminate the MEK, and project goodwill by handing them over to Iran with their own consent. Even if the operation failed, he reasoned, Iran would benefit from the removal of the MEK.

Additionally, some analysts point to Saddam’s own personality as a key factor. They argue that, perceiving Iran as weakened, he sought to deliver a knockout blow or, at the very least, strengthen his bargaining position in ceasefire negotiations. This strategy, they claim, aimed to solidify Iraqi military superiority by capturing Iranian territory and seizing prisoners.

An alternative perspective emerges when examining Saddam’s public statements. On June 29, 1988, he made official pronouncements about peace while condemning Iran’s continued resistance. These pronouncements portrayed him as victorious, bolstered by his perceived support from the United States and its allies. Interestingly, he also included a statement regarding the MEK:

“The Iranian people yearn for peace, and I am confident they will compel their government to pursue it. The heroism of the Mujahedin-e Khalq at Mehran is a testament to this resolve. A day will come when outside intervention is no longer necessary. The MEK will then infiltrate the heart of Iran, and the Iranian people will surely join their cause” (3).

The reality of Operation Eternal Light itself sheds further light on the situation. The plan consisted of three phases: the first two involved large-scale Iraqi offensives, while the third was reserved for the MEK. The Iraqi attacks aimed to breach Iranian defenses in the west and south, while the MEK would then capitalize on the breakthrough for a rapid push towards Tehran.

The prelude to Operation Eternal Light unfolded on July 22, 1988, with a brutal Iraqi offensive. Airstrikes pounded Iranian airbases in the west, followed by aerial and artillery bombardments of Iranian border towns. Simultaneously, a large-scale ground invasion commenced in the south, a clear attempt to distract Iranian forces from the true objective: the MEK’s attack in the west.

The brutality of the offensive extended beyond conventional warfare. Iraqi artillery pounded the strategic Patagh Pass, and chemical weapons were deployed north of the Rijab Pass, inflicting heavy casualties on nearby villages. Propaganda leaflets rained down on Iranian border towns, including Kerend-e Gharb. These leaflets, dropped by Iraqi aircraft, declared a large-scale operation and urged Iranian troops to surrender. In addition, civilians were instructed to evacuate the area (4). This complex operation suggests Saddam may have held some hope for its success, despite doubts about the MEK’s role.

References
1- Source: Journal of Iran-Iraq War Studies, Center for War Studies and Research of the IRGC, No. 17
2- Ali Akbar Rastgoo, The Mujahedin-e Khalq in the Mirror of History, Tehran, Center for Islamic Revolution Documents, 2005, p. 402
3- IRNA Bulletin, June 29, 1988
4- Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, Arising and the End (1965-2005), Vol. 3, Tehran: Institute of Political Studies and Research, 2006, p. 322

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Basat Ali Meshkin Faam is one of the defectors of the MEK who witnessed the MEK’s military operation to suppress Kurdish uprisings in April 1991. The testimonies of MEK ex-members have been several times confirmed by Iraqi authorities, human rights activists and journalists.

Basat Ali Meshkin Faam

According to Qubad Talabani, son of Iraqi president Jalal Talabani, “Up until the fall of the regime, they were part and parcel of the Iraqi military. And they were heavily involved in suppressing the Kurdish uprising of 1991.”

After First Gulf War and in order to weaken Saddam’s regime, Iraqi Kurds who were chemically bombed by Saddam’s army in Halabja and Khurmal three years before, seized the opportunity to retaliate bloodshed, and took over the Kurdish regions. The Kurds were able to take control of the cities of Mosul and Sulaymaniyah and then advanced towards cities such as Tuz, Kifri and Jalula.

“A civil war had broken out in Iraq which was none of the MEK’s business,” says Meshkin Faam. “But Saddam Asked Massoud Rajavi for help.”

A week after the Kurdish forces took control of the northern cities of Iraq, the MEK forces entered. At this stage, the so-called Liberation Army of the MEK carried out “Morvarid 1 and 2” operations and suppressed the people, and the Peshmerga prevented them from advancing in various cities. The MEK surprised the Kurdish militias and Peshmerga of Kirkuk and aided the Baathist government to regain control of the city of Kirkuk, during which, according to Iraqi Kurdish forces, hundreds of Kurdish residents of Kirkuk were massacred by the members of the MEK. It is estimated that more than 4,000 Kurds lost their lives at the hands of the MEK in Morvarid operations 1 and 2.

Meshkin Faam testifies, “The MEK had occupied a major part of the Kurdish areas, including the cities of Tuz, Kharmato, Kafri, Sulaimanbeg and Khanaqin, before the Kurds came to those areas, and did not avoid any kind of confrontation and killing of protesting Kurds.”

“Why should we participate in the massacre of Iraqi Kurds,” wonders Meshkin Faam. “For Rajavi, it was a way to serve Saddam Hussein in exchange for receiving equipment, supplies and money.”

He recalls Massoud Rajavi’s pleasure for such a satisfying deal with Saddam’s regime. He recounts the speech that Massoud made in a meeting at Camp Ashraf, “Masoud Rajavi explained the story of one of his visits with Ezzat Ibrahim in one of the meetings. Apparently, Ezzat Ebrahim had narrated with tears in his eyes that: On the way to Khanaqin, I saw Mujahid brothers who were defending the country of Iraq. If the country returns to its state of peace, we must repay this service that the Mujahid brothers did to us.”

The former member of the MEK quotes from Masoud Rajavi, who had just received 30 to 40 cannons from the Iraqi army: “This is the result of the efforts you made in Operation Morvarid.”

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The third session of the court investigating the crimes of the MKO members was held publicly on Tuesday under the chairmanship of Judge Dehqani in the 11th branch of the criminal court of Tehran Province.

During the hearing, the prosecutor’s representative laid out the details of the documents against the MKO members and their relations with Saddam.

“Intelligence and judicial investigations show that the MKO members, as mercenaries of Iraq, carried out terrorist acts against the people. Also, the intelligence officials have obtained information showing that they took oil from Iraq in exchange for the terrorist acts,” he said.

Judge Dehqani then asked the prosecutor’s representative whether the said documents have been included in the lawsuit raised against the MKO members, to which the representative responded in the affirmative.

“The documents related to this meeting that was held in 2001 in the Iraqi Intelligence Service between the head of the Iraqi intelligence and Masoud Rajavi in the presence of Mehdi Abrishamchi have been documented and included in the lawsuit,” he said.

“In this meeting, the indictment of a number of other defendants in this case was read out. In the first and second session of the court, the charges brought up against 23 defendants were read out.”

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The presence of the terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (aka MKO or MeK) in Iraq, driven by shared strategic objectives amidst local and regional changes, went beyond a simple partnership, evolving into a comprehensive coalition with Saddam Hussein. While their cooperation touched upon a wide range of matters, the specific focus here is on the MeK’s role in the violent suppression of Iraqi Kurds during the Morvarid (Pearl) operation, an incident that became a catalyst for the defection of numerous members from the organization.

More details of the encounters between Rajavi’s forces and the Iraqi Kurds are mentioned in the memoirs of a fighter pilot who was among the flight crew during the escape of Bani Sadr and Rajavi, and spent years within the organization. In the following, we quote exactly this person’s memories as the second account of this incident.

Rajavi’s forces were returning to Sulaiman Beg Road with full equipment and were deployed around the cities of Tuz and Kifri. Those who were passing through Tuz, were ordered to target this city with their cannons and machine guns. The citizens stopped working and gathered in front of the shops to see what is going to happen.

One of the Kurdish commanders came forward and asked to speak with the commander of the MeK forces named Reza Karamali. That person said, “We are not at war with you. Our goal is to liberate our regions from the hands of Saddam Hussein. If it happens, you won’t have any problems in this country. Isn’t it better to turn away your cannons?”

Karamali said, “You are a mercenary of the Khomeini regime, and you have always been and will be our enemy, and you have already killed our troops or handed them over to the Islamic Republic.”

It was at this time that a bullet from an unknown location was shot and killed Reza. [In response,] The MEK started shooting blindly at the city and destroyed many places and shops with cannonballs.

They had promised Saddam that they would intercept the Kurds until the arrival of the Iraqi forces; therefore, they blocked the main entrances and exits of Kifri, Jalawla, and Tuz. First, for about two days, the Kurdish groups tried to avoid clashing with the MeK. This did not mean that they were unable to do so, but they did not want to find themselves on two fronts, namely fighting with the MeK on one side, and with Saddam on the other. The MeK justified its members saying that they are not actually Kurds, but rather the Islamic Republic’s soldiers and troops, dressed as Kurds!

The Kurds continued to try to negotiate with the MeK until a group of the Mojahedin attacked Kifri. They entered the city with tanks and personnel carriers. The conflict started inside the city and this MEK group with 11 members were all killed. After that, the attempt to negotiate failed and the forces attacked each other, especially the MeK tried to kill and arrest many Kurds in order to hand them over to the Iraqi government.

This action of the MeK and the blockage of the Kurds gave Saddam the opportunity to bring a number of his remaining forces to these areas and, using helicopters and artillery, push the Kurds back and regain control of Jalawla, Tuz, and Kifri. (1)

References

1. Asadi, The Reactionary, pp. 86-93

The post MEK and Iraqi Kurds’ Genocide; Evidence from Air Force Officer’s Memoirs – Part 2 appeared first on Nejat Society.

The anti-Iran terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (also known as MKO or MeK) significantly contributed to the distressing suppression of Iraqi Kurds amidst the Persian Gulf War. This dark chapter, marked by violence and bloodshed, is a poignant reminder of the atrocities committed against the Iraqi Kurds.

On the occasion of the International Day of Commemoration and Dignity of the Victims of the Crime of Genocide, we reflect on the profound impact of MeK’s involvement in the brutal crackdown on the Kurdish community. As part of our commitment to shedding light on historical truths, we will provide a translation from the book “Mojahedin-Khalq Organization: Arising & the End” vol.3 published by the Political Studies and Research Institute (PSRI) offering insights into the events surrounding this tragic episode in history.

“The MEK are the protectors of the Iraqi borders and are like the Iraqi army. Listen to them and follow their instructions.” Saddam Hussein (1)

During the Persian Gulf War, the Iraqi Kurds took advantage of the weakness of the central government and seized control of the Kurdish regions. To keep Saddam’s regime in power and under the pretext that the Islamic Republic of Iran was attacking MEK bases in Kurdish territories, Rajavi moved his forces to these areas to suppress Iraqi Kurds until Saddam’s troops arrived from the south (2).

At the beginning of Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait, the MEK were settled in an area called Nawjul (located in northern Iraq) (3) where Iraqi Kurds used to live. However, it had been completely evacuated before being handed over to them! This means that Saddam’s army attacked the towns and villages of this region and killed its people or made them flee to Iran and Turkey. A few months after the Operation Eternal Light (Mersad), Saddam entrusted the protection and guarding of Nawjul to Rajavi’s elements where they planted wheat and barley to fill their days. When the Persian Gulf War began, Rajavi’s forces moved from their camp known as Ashraf to Nawjul.

During air attacks of US and its allies on the military and strategic regions of Iraq, MEK camps and shelters remained immune from damage according to some kind of agreement. For example, two large Iranian flags along with pictures of Masoud and Maryam were installed in Ashraf and Nujal bases, which were easily visible to the attack aircrafts (4).

Having faced defeat, Saddam brought all remaining forces to the border with Kuwait. As a result, northern areas were evacuated of Ba’athist forces. In this situation, an opportune moment was created for Iraqi Kurdish groups to launch raids into these areas and once again reside there.

In the northern areas, the Kurds occupied the major cities of Mosul and Sulaymaniyah and then advanced towards cities such as Tuz, Kifri, and Jalawla. With the occupation of these cities, it was enough for the Kurds to pass through Suleiman Beg’s route to reach the main road and advance directly towards the cities of Khales and Baghdad. At that point, no force could have stopped them (5).

The clash between Rajavi’s forces and the Kurds occurred at this point. We present two accounts of this incident. The first narrative consists of excerpts from a report submitted by the US Department of State to the Congress:

In March 1991, following Operation Desert Storm, the NLA reportedly fought against the Iranian Revolutionary Guards (The Islamic Revolution Guards Corps or IRGC) near the border town of Qasr-e Shirin. Analysts assume that Saddam permitted the NLA to cross into Iran at this time in order to signal that he would not tolerate Iranian support for a Shi’a uprising in southern Iraq (6). At that time, the Iraqi Kurds also claimed the Mojahedin had assisted the Iraqi army in its suppression of the Kurds, “a claim-substantiated by refugees who fled near the Iranian border.” (7) The leader of the patriotic Union of Kurdistan of Iraq, Jalal Talabani, told reporters that “5,000 Iranian Mojahedin joined Saddam’s forces in the battle for Kirkuk.” (8)

A recent Wall Street Journal report stated that the NLA’s “only major offensive in the past six years came in 1991, just after the (Persian) Gulf War, when Saddam Hussein ordered Mr. Rajavi to help quell a Kurdish revolt in northern Iraq, participants in that operation say.” (9)

A former MKO member who was in Iraq said his trouble with the Mojahedin leadership, began when he questioned the MKO’s operation against the Kurds.” (10)

References

1. Shams Haeri, The Marsh, p. 27. The author has mentioned that he, along with other prisoners, heard this message from the Iraqi radio in the college prison (one of the MEK prisons in Iraq) in Ashraf barracks.

2. The US State Department report with reference to a Jalal Talabani’s interview and the Wall Street Journal report on October 4, 1994; also a research report of the German Green Party

3. This region is located between the city of Kirkuk and the Kurdish-inhabited cities of Kifri and Tuz.

4. Asadi, The Reactionary, pp. 86-93

5. ibid

6. Michael Theodoulou, The Times, April 2,1992; Alan Cowell, New York Times, June 5,1991

7. Associated Press report, May 10, 1991

8. Michael Theodoulou, The Times, April 2,1992

9. Peter Waldman, The Wall Street Journal, October 4, 1994

10. ibid

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On the second day, we had the presentations of Dr. Mohammad Javad Hasheminejad, Secretary General of Habilian Foundation, Mr. Yaqub Meraji, one of the separated members of the terrorist group of the MEK and one of the eyewitnesses in the terrorist act of killing Iraqi Kurds, from France, Mr. Daniel Perra, a journalist and geopolitical analyst from Italy, Dr. Robert Fantina, reporter and university professor from Canada, Mr. Mohammad Pouladvand, international relations expert of TerrorSpring Institute, from Iran. In the following, we will give a summary of the terrorist act of the terrorist group of the MEK in the massacre of Iraqi Kurds in 1991.

two day conference on Genocide of Iraqi Kurds by the MEK

The Mujahedin-e Khalq organization (MEK) was established in 1965. Their goal was described as fighting against global imperialism, especially America, and fighting against the colonialists of the Eastern and Western blocs, and their approach was armed fighting. With the victory of the Islamic revolution, the leaders of the organization, by nurturing the desire for power and monopolization to achieve absolute power and government, stand against the people and the people’s choice and neither accepted the Islamic Republic of Iran nor voted for the constitution. With the processes of brainwashing and changing the ideology from Islamic extremism to Marxism, they made their members unquestioningly obedient to their orders and started blind assassinations, which are known among themselves as engineering operations. These brutal assassinations targeted and killed more than 13 thousand Iranian citizens, including the president and prime minister of Iran, Mohammad Ali Rajaee, and Mohammad Bahonar, head of the judiciary, Ayatollah Beheshti, a number of MPs, ministers and religious scholars that they were assassinated by this terrorist group. After failing to gain power and losing their social base in Iran and the invasion of the Iraqi Baath regime, they sought refuge with Saddam and stood against their people and country and served the enemy. The MEK attacked their country in Operation Forough Javidan and massacred a large number of ordinary people that at the end faced the resistance of Iran’s armed forces in an operation called Mersad and which they hit hard from Iran’s armed forces and fled to Iraq with many casualties.

After the Forough Javidan operation and in the First Persian Gulf War and in order to weaken Saddam’s Baath regime, Iraqi Kurds who were chemically bombed by Saddam’s army in Halabja and Khurmal three years before, seized the opportunity to avenge bloodshed, and took over the Kurdish regions. The Kurds were able to take control of the cities of Mosul and Sulaymaniyah and then advanced towards cities such as Tuz, Kifri and Jalula. It was enough for the Kurds to cross the Suleiman Bey highway and reach the main road and advance towards Baghdad. A week after the Kurdish forces took control of the northern cities of Iraq, the MEK forces entered Kirkuk wearing Kurdish clothing and posters of Masoud Barezani and Jalal Talebani. At this stage, the so-called Liberation Army of the MEK carried out “Morvarid 1 and 2” operations and suppressed the people, and the Peshmerga prevented them from advancing in various cities. The MEK surprised the Kurdish militias and Peshmerga of Kirkuk and caused the Baathist government to regain control of the city of Kirkuk, during which, according to Iraqi Kurdish forces, hundreds of Kurdish residents of Kirkuk were massacred by the members of the MEK. It is estimated that more than 4,000 Kurds lost their lives at the hands of the MEK in Morvarid operations 1 and 2.

The purpose of this conference is to reveal the terrorist face of the MEK to people all over the world, especially the politicians, who should keep in mind that MEK terrorists has committed many crimes in every country where it is established to the innocent people of that country, that the concrete example of which can be seen in Iran and Iraq. We hope that by holding this international conference, we will be able to collect evidence for an international court for a fair trial to condemn the crimes of MEK terrorists, so that it will be a salve for the wounds of the families of the victims of the terrorist acts of this group, who lost their loved ones by this bloodthirsty group, for no reason.

The second day of the international conference “Crime against humanity: Genocide of Iraqi Kurds by the MEK” with the presence of political elites and civil activists accompanied by professors and researchers from Italy, Canada, France, and Iran was held on March 2nd, 2023 by TerrorSpring Institute, the experts in this section expressed their analysis and documentation regarding the genocide of Iraqi Kurds in Morvarid 1 and 2 operations, which were carried out by the terrorist group of the MEK in 1991, as a result of which 4 thousand Iraqi Kurds were massacred. To view the materials presented on the first and second days of this meeting and to know the details of the second day of this specialized meeting, please visit the TerrorSpring.com website.

On the first day of the international conference “Crime against humanity: Genocide of Iraqi Kurds by MEK,” we had the presentations of Dr. Alireza Abedini, head of the Yassin think tank from Iran, Dr. Ibrahim al-Seraj, head of the Association for the Defense of Journalists’ Rights from Iraq, Professor Lorenzo Maria Pacini, university professor and representative of Unidolomiti University from Italy, Mrs. Maria Morigi, writer, archaeologist and researcher of the history of religions from Italy, Mr. Mohammad Pouladvand, international relations expert from TerrorSpring Institute from Iran. On the second day, we had the presentations of Dr. Mohammad Javad Hasheminejad, Secretary General of Habilian Foundation, Yaqhoub Meraji, one of the separated members of the terrorist group of MEK and one of the eyewitnesses in the terrorist act of massacring the Iraqi Kurds from France, Mr. Daniel Perra, journalist and analyst of geopolitical issues from Italy, Dr. Robert Fantina, journalist and university professor from Canada, Mr. Mohammad Puladvand, an expert of the international relations of Terrorspring Institute from Iran, and here we have a brief description of the statements of these respected experts below.

The first speaker on the second day of the conference was Dr. Mohammad Javad Hashminejad, Secretary General of the Habilian Foundation. He started his presentation with the philosophy of the presence of terrorism in Iraq and stated that the reason for this presence was the war and conflicts. As you know, the terrorist group of the MEK joined the Iraqi dictator Saddam in the Iran-Iraq war and entered the battlefield against their country. He further added that the name of the terrorist group of MEK is reminiscent of murder, killing, deception, and betrayal of their country, they entered Iraq in 1986 and were known as the military arm of the Iraqi Baath army for 3 decades, and in these 3 decades, nothing but bloodshed remained for the people of Iraq. On the other hand, the Baath army of Iraq provided financial support to this terrorist group by the order of Saddam and provided 15 military bases with full facilities, the right to a share of Iraqi oil sales, and monthly salaries for this group. The MEK came to support Saddam in suppressing Iraqi Kurds and Shiites and carried out heavy mortar attacks on the Kurdish and Turkmen areas of Iraq, which caused the massacre of 4,000 Iraqi Kurds. At the end of his respected speech, Dr. Hashminejad stated that the governments that have been harmed by the terrorist group of the MEK must enter the field and take steps to protect the rights of the families of the martyrs and terror victims.

The second speaker on the second day of the conference was Mr. Yaqhub Meraji, one of the separate members of the terrorist group of the MEK and one of the eyewitnesses in the terrorist act of killing Iraqi Kurds from France. At the beginning of his speech, while thanking Terror Spring Institute, he pointed out how the Pearl 1 and 2 operations were started, which were carried out by deceiving the members of the terrorist group of the MEK by the leaders of this cult. He went on to talk about the memories of this operation and the brutal killing of ordinary people, among whom there were many women and children, who were massacred with tanks and heavy weapons without shelter. At the end of his speech, he mentioned his readiness to appear in international courts and insisted on the necessity of condemning the terrorist group of MEK.

The third speaker on the second day of the conference was Mr. Daniele Perra, a journalist, and analyst of geopolitical issues from Italy. He started his speech by thanking the Terrorspring Institute for dealing with the important issue of this conference and pointed out the infiltration of the terrorist group of the MEK into Italy using the Brothers of Italy party, which several members of this party follow Giulio Terzi (Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy) who is one of the supporters of the terrorist group of MEK. He also mentioned the history of the establishment of the MEK and the ideological change of this cult from Islam to Marxism, which later, since it was neither Islamic nor Marxist, but a customized combination of the two, caused them to hate the Islamic Revolution and joined the Baath party of Iraq which was the enemy of that time and then in 1988, they carried out a military operation against Iran called Forough Javidan, which was accompanied by a heavy failure. In this regard, Massoud Rajavi, with his new ideology, forced the members to divorce after the defeat of Forough Javidan, this was while the leader of this cult is still brainwashing and torturing her members in Albania. The leaders of this cult tell their members that they have nowhere to go, but Iran has repeatedly announced that the members of this cult can return to their country and be safe, of course, this does not include the leaders of this cult. Among the features of this cult are preventing members from communicating with their families, forced divorce, forced marriage with cult leader Massoud Rajavi, forced separation of children from their families, prohibition of marriage and childbearing, and even prohibition of thinking about marital issues. After being in Iraq, the MEK helped Saddam in suppressing Iraqi Kurds, which of course they deny this issue now. In Morvarid operations, 1 and 2, Massoud and Maryam Rajavi lied to their members that Iran’s revolutionary guards and military forces were wearing Kurdish clothes and were planning to attack you, and with this deception, they forced their members to kill Iraqi Kurds. At the end of his speech, he added that people in Europe and America do not have any information about the actions of this terrorist group, no one knows that the MEK’s money laundering activities, they gave a lot of money to European parties such as the Vox party of Spain and American personalities to have their support to infiltrate those countries, no one knows that the MEK is involved in drug and human trafficking for money laundering and many other actions that people should be aware of these activities.

The fourth speaker on the second day of the conference was Dr. Robert Fantina, a journalist and university professor from Canada. At the beginning of his speech, he mentioned the hatred of the Iranian people for the terrorist group of MEK because this group supported Saddam and betrayal of their country, and then he discussed the dual policy of the United States in dealing with such a terrorist group, which has been on the list of terrorist organizations for several years but due to its enmity with Iran, the United States removed this group from the list of terrorist organizations in 2012 and put it in front of Iran. In the continuation of his speech, he mentioned the killing of Iraqi Kurds in the Morvarid operations and the history of this operation in 1991, which happened during the Gulf War, because of the Gulf War which caused the terrorist activities of Saddam like the killing of Iraqi Kurds in Anfal operation who killed 200,000 Iraqi Kurds and the operations of Morvarid which MEK killed 4 thousand Iraqi Kurds be hidden for the eyes of world’s people. At the end of his speech, he mentioned the words of Maryam Rajavi during the Morvarid operation, who said, “Throw the Kurds under the wheels of the tank and save your bullets for the Iranian revolutionary guards.”

The fifth speaker on the second day of the conference was Mr. Mohammad Pouladvand, an international relations expert from TerrorSpring Institute from Iran, who mentioned the internationally substantiated documents. At the beginning of his speech, he mentioned the CIA report and added that, according to the CIA report, the People’s Mujahedin was introduced as a terrorist group that assassinated several American advisers. The FBI also released a report from 2004 that explicitly called the MEK “a terrorist organization.” In several parts of this FBI report, the terrorist nature of MEK and Massoud Rajavi has been clearly stated. Interestingly, this report also emphasizes the assassination of several American citizens by MEK. The FBI report says that MEK attacked 12 Iranian diplomatic centers abroad and assassinated several other innocent people. If you read the reports of the New York Times, Guardian, and other prominent American news agencies, you will understand how Maryam Rajavi deprived the members of this group of their basic rights. The propaganda group now offers huge sums of money to invite politicians to its annual gathering, who are largely ignorant of the background and true nature of the MEK, some of the reports said.

It is seriously necessary to pursue the rights of the victims of the assassination of the MEK in Iraq, especially in the Kurdistan region. Their crimes should not be forgotten due to the departure of this terrorist group from Iraq or political considerations. There are numerous and reliable documents of the crimes of this hated terrorist group, and by working together, good results can be obtained for the benefit of justice and the victims.

By: Alireza Niknam

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