Shekari, together with three other ex-members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq MEK) were asked by the Albanian authorities to either accept the voluntary departure from Albania or wait for assignment in the refugee camp. They refused to accept to leave the Albanian territory.
Ali Hajari was released earlier in this regard but two others, Hassan Shahbaz, Mehdi Soleimani are still detained in the camp.

Nejat Society Albania is grateful to Albanian authorities for their prompt cooperation, as well as the respected lawyer of the Society, Mr. Ervin Grabova, who made many efforts during this period.

We are looking forward to the unconditional release of Shahbaz and Soleimani.

Nejat Society – Tirana

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In previous episode I told my friends that my husband’s problems were not few when he was in the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Some impacts can still be seen in him. He is not a normal member of society. Well, it is clear that he suffered a lot and was under a lot of mental pressure that even at nights he talked in sleep and when I asked him about it, he said that he still does not forget those bombs and those who were innocently killed.

These people who are members of the MEK and all of them have suffered and have always been under the pressure of their commanders. This is far from humanity. MEK leaders make people their slaves, for their own evil purposes.

Another memory I remember one night was related to his mother. After he defected the MEK, when he called his mother and siblings after 29 years, they all had a hard time believing that this was the child of that family. When I heard that, the hairs on my body stood up. I wondered what kind of life my husband and the other people inside the MEK had. My father was curious and said that maybe my husband was lying.

I asked some other defectors of the MEK if Gholamreza was telling the truth that he has not seen his family for 29 years and they also said, “We are like your husband because the MEK imprisoned us in a camp, so believe your husband’s words!”

I have another memory too. About having a wife. Gholamreza said that in the MEK marriage is forbidden because they say that women do not allow us to fight against the enemy, which was unbelievable to me because I have seen in other wars how women have fought alongside men and won and even they married each other and they have children.
So, what do the Mujahedin say? They have to promote their work with lies and have become anti-family. When I sat at the table of my husband’s friends, I saw how the MEK ruined the lives of these people with lies and dishonesty for the sake of their own ambitions.

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Her recent message, published on the Facebook page of the Albanian Nejat Society, seems worth to read because an Albanian citizen who is married to a former Mujahed has written them:
I am Lirije Shekrai, the wife of Gholamreza Shekari, since I met Reza, I wanted to know the story of his life. Every time I told him why he had come to Albania, she told me: ” I will tell you my life story at an appropriate time”. A few months passed and one day he proposed to me. I couldn’t believe it when he held my hand and told me that I am ready to share my life with you.

After some time, we got married and one day he came over and said: “Do you want to know how my life was and why I came to Albania after so many years?” I replied that I wanted to know who he really was.

He started telling his memoirs from the time he was in the Iran-Iraq war. He told me how he entered Iraq with two other people from Iran and there they left him alone.
It was interesting that I had never heard the word, “Mujahid”, that I could not pronounce it. He told me his story of how the MEK agents tricked him and captured him in the war.

I just realized that after 37 years Reza has not been able to see his mother and even in Albania, he applied for a visa for his mother but it was not approved. It seemed clear to me what Reza says when he says the MEK is against the family.

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For more than 40 years, I have not seen my son who was a prisoner in Camp Ashraf in Iraq and is now in Albania. He for 38 years has been trapped in the cruel grip of Maryam Rajavi in Iraq, and after they were transferred to Albania, your government did not allow us to visit. Apparently, your government is a supporter of this dreadful and terrorist organization, because it does what they want.

Gholamreza Shekari Mum in front of Camp Ashraf,Iraq

Our children did not enter your country illegally. The government of Albania officially accepted these people in agreement with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and they have never had any demands except for a peaceful and safe life from you and the government and people of Albania. During these few years, they have not caused the slightest mistake or disturbance in Albania.

If the presence of Gholamreza Shekari in your country is illegal, then how did you allow him to marry your own citizen? He has been married for four months now. If he entered the country illegally, then all members of this organization should be expelled from Albania.

Finally, I request you to determine the status of my son Gholamreza Shekari. If he has committed a crime, prosecute him, and if it is otherwise, how can your humanitarian actions include the situation of Maryam Rajavi and the people captured in her camp, but not the situation of those who did not want to be captured by her?
I am impatiently waiting for your answer.

Zomorod Amini, mother of Gholamreza Shekari, imprisoned in the UN refugee camp in Albania

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ASILA celebrating the marriage of Gholamreza Shekari

Gholam Shekari, 53, spent 27 years under Rajavi’s cult of personality. He defected the group after it was relocated in Albania in 2016. Shekari was soon deradicalized after he joined the Albanian society. He succeeded to build a new life in the free world. He is an active member of ASILA working to aid defectors who can manage to leave the group’s camp.

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A few months later, Shekari was interviewed by Luisa Hommerich, the correspondent of Der Spiegle. Hommerich’s investigative report on MEK, titled “Prisoners of Their Own Rebellion, The Cult-Like Group Fighting Iran” was published in February, 2019. As expected, The Spiegle’s article was labeled as the propaganda of the Iranian Government.

As Hommerich reports, “Gholamreza Shekari, a slender 50-year-old man with bony cheeks, says he spent 27 years as a member of the People’s Mujahedin, adding “the organization’s public face is liberal. Internally, though, it works by way of lies, manipulation and fear.””
“They spoke of freedom and democracy for Iran,” Shekari told Hommerich. “And then they promised me that they would arrange a visa for Europe for me.”

In March, 2019, Shekari officially declared his defection from the MEK. His statement of defection that was published by Nejat Society, contained horrific facts about the dark days he had experienced inside the MEK.
Eventually he began writing in Persian his account of the mental and physical torture he had endured in the MEK’s notorious Camp Ashraf, in a series of articles in Persian. This is an extensive account of what he mentioned about torture by MEK commanders in his interview with the Spiegle.

Shekari told Spiegle that he repeatedly asked when he would be allowed to leave. “But that turned out to be a mistake: According to Human Rights Watch, the organization began torturing members who wanted to leave the group or who asked critical questions in the mid-1990s,” Hommerich accurately states.
“They insulted me as a spy, beat my shins until they were bloody and put out burning cigarettes on my skin,” he told Hommerich. “After a week, he says, his lower legs were completely black. He rolls up his jeans to reveal scars covering his legs.”

Besides the strict regulations of the Cult of Rajavi that required absolute obedience, According to Shekari and many other defectors such as Bahman Azami, Adel Azami, Nader Naderi, Nader Chapachap, in 1994 and 1995, dozens of members of the group were imprisoned in groups and in solitary confinement, tortured and even killed by the commanders of the group. Defectors revealed the names of some of the torturers of the Cult of Rajavi. Mokhtar Jannat, Majid Alamian, Mahvash Sepehri, Assadollah Mosana, mohammad Eqbal and some other high-ranking members of the group were in charge of interrogating, beating and torturing the imprisoned members who did not even know what their accusation was.

After months of torture and imprisonment, Shekari told the Spiegle, “the leader Masoud Rajavi gathered all those who had been tortured”. “He threatened that if we ever spoke about it, we would be handed over to the Iraqis, which would mean additional torture or death,” Shekari added.

The group still claims that Shekari and other former members are agents to spread the disinformation of the Iranian Government. “The organization claims that we are all agents so that nobody believes us,” he told the Spiegle. “But I’m not working for anyone.”

This is just a short part of four episodes of Shekari’s memoirs of torture and imprisonment in Camp Ashraf:
“Majid Alamian and Mokhtar Janat, the two torturers and slaughterers received me…They took off my clothes. I was completely naked when Mokhtar began beating me. He gave me pajamas to put on. Again, they started beating on my head. I raised my arms to cover my head, he kicked me in the back. Then the major commander, who was called Kak Adel, came and told them to take me to the cell. They covered my eyes and took me around the place. Finally, they uncovered my eyes in a cell where about ten other of my comrades had been jailed.”
This was the start of Shekari’s five-months imprisonment, interrogation and torture in the Cult of Rajavi. He was under the most severe mental and physical pressures from January to May, 1994.

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Since the MEK’s relocation in Albania the number of defectors from the group has been on the rise and eventually the number of people who have been accused by the MEK of being the agents of the Iranian government have been on the rise too.

View of some members of the Iranian opposition resistance Mujahedeen-e- Khalq group, who have resettled in Albania from Iraq, in a street, in Tirana, Albania, Friday, May 17, 2013.

A look at the group’s media in different languages, particularly their Persian and English websites provides us with a long list of individuals who are called by the MEK, or its political vitrine the NCRI (National Council of Resistance of Iran), as”Tehran operatives”or”agents of Iranian regime”. How come that there are allegedly so many Iranian agents in Albanian territory?

The so-called list contains a range of people who have one thing in common: they all have been interviewed or quoted in the mainstream media, from Massoud Khodabandeh and his wife Ann Singleton who left the group in the 1990s when it was located in Iraq to Hassan Heyrani and Gholam Mirzaiee who left the group after its relocation to Albania, , a few years ago. Normally, those who defected the MEK in Albania are more likely to be contacted by the Western main stream media compared with those who left the group in Iraq or those who returned to Iran after defection.

What do these people tell the media that once they leave the group? they turn from”The unique holy fighter”–what the MEK calls its members—to”Agents of the Mullahs”–what it calls its defectors?

Hasan Heyrani, MKO former member in Tirana

Hassan Heyrani was quoted by the Guardian in November 2018:
“According to one recent MEK defector, Hassan Heyrani, the group’s main work in Albania involves fighting online in an escalating information war between Iran and its rivals. Heyrani, who left the MEK last summer, says that he worked in a”troll farm”of 1,000 people inside the Albanian camp, posting pro-Rajavi and anti-Iran propaganda in English, Farsi and Arabic on Facebook, Twitter, Telegram and newspaper comment sections.”

He was also quoted in the famous revealing article of the Intercept by Murteza Hussain on the MEK’s fake persona”Heshmat Alavi”:
“There’s a problem, though: Heshmat Alavi appears not to exist. Alavi’s persona is a propaganda operation run by the Iranian opposition group Mojahedin-e-Khalq, which is known by the initials MEK, two sources told The Intercept…”Heshmat Alavi is a persona run by a team of people from the political wing of the MEK,”Hassan Heyrani told the Intercept.”They write whatever they are directed by their commanders and use this name to place articles in the press. This is not and has never been a real person.”
The Intercept article adds:

“Heyrani said the fake persona has been managed by a team of MEK operatives in Albania, where the group has one of its bases, and is used to spread its message online. Heyrani’s account is echoed by Sara Zahiri, a Farsi-language researcher who focuses on the MEK. Zahiri, who has sources among Iranian government cybersecurity officials, said that Alavi is known inside Iran to be a”group account”run by a team of MEK members and that Alavi himself does not exist.”

to download the video file click here

Hassan Heyrani was interviewed by a lot of other journalists including Linda Pressly and Albana Kasapi of the BBC. In their radio report, titled”Albanian’s Iranian guests”, Kasapi and Pressly interview the citizens of Albania neighboring the MEK camp, the Albanian politicians and the defectors of the group. They were not allowed to interview the members inside the camp.

The MEK media called the report”BBC’s propaganda against the resistance”and called Hassan Heyrani and Gholam Mirzaiee, the two defectors interviewed in the report as”agents of the Mullahs’ embassy”.

Gholamreza Shekari is another former member of the MEK who, according to the group, turned into a”spy”as soon as he left the group. The MEK website claims that they are not real defectors but they just play the role of former members!”The MOIS is organizing its mercenaries through two defectors, Hassan Heyrani and Gholamreza Shekari, who are posing as ‘former members’ or ‘separated members’ of the MEK”, the so-called National Council of Resistance asserts.

Gholamreza Shekari; Tirana; Der Spiegel

Shekari was interviewed by Luisa Hommerich of Der Spiegel in February 2019.”Gholamreza Shekari, a slender 50-year-old man with bony cheeks, says he spent 27 years as a member of the People’s Mujahedin,”Hommerich writes.
How did Shekari spend 27 years of his youth days in the MEK just to defect the group in order to pose as former member and separated member?

“The organization’s public face is liberal”, Shekari told Hommerich.”Internally, though, it works by way of lies, manipulation and fear.”This statement seems to be the main reason that he is labeled as a Tehran operative.
What goes inside the MEK camp is the main idea of all testimonies made by former members. Indeed, the controversies between what former members say and what the MEK leaders show off are stimulating for all journalists to follow their curiosity in order to discover true facts.

The number of reports and articles based on testimonies of former members are increasingly going up and therefore the number of the alleged Iranian agents who work against the MEK are getting higher. Each former member of the group who officially declares its defection from the group is added to list of the agents.

The MEK leaders have to explain their leadership methods that are so ineffective that not only would make members leave the group but also make them agents of the enemy’s agenda!

By Mazda Parsi

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Members of the Trump administration have been providing support to a political sect that aims to topple the Iranian regime in Tehran. Around 2,000 of its members live in a camp in Albania. Former members say it subjected followers to torture and psychological terror.

Political sect from Albania fights against Tehran

On a country road in northwestern Albania, a rather odd collection of men and women living together in a camp are busy preparing themselves to topple the Iranian regime. Three times per week, many of them apparently practice slitting throats, breaking hands, jabbing out eyeballs with fingers and performing the so-called Glasgow Smile, which involves cutting cheeks from the corner of the mouth up toward the ear. That, at least, is the story told by a former member of the group.
The camp, roughly the size of 50 football fields and surrounded by high fences, is located just a 35-minute drive from the lively bars of downtown Tirana, but the people inside live in something of a time capsule. Former members of the group report that most of the 2,000 camp residents aren’t allowed to possess mobile phones, watches or calendars, though members of the organization that operates the camp deny those claims.
“My daughter is living somewhere in there,” says Mostafa Mohammadi, a 61-year-old Iranian man with a high forehead and deep eye sockets. Her name is Somayeh, a woman of 38. Her father, who lives in Canada, claims that she is being held in the camp against her will, which is why he spent several months in Albania last year. During a meeting there, he said:”I don’t have anything to do with politics. Please, I just want to see my daughter.”
Just like everyone in the camp, Somayeh Mohammadi is a member of the People’s Mujahedin, a once-militant Iranian opposition group that was listed by the United States. and Europe as a terrorist group until 2012. These days, however, several members of the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump are supporting the group, commonly known by the abbreviation MEK. Both the administration and the MEK, after all, want to see the end of the current regime in Iran — and now that the group has Washington’s backing, the Mujahedin apparently hopes that its time has finally come.
On the sidelines of the Middle East conference in Warsaw, which began on Wednesday, Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu spoke of possible”war”with Iran. And at an MEK rally in Warsaw, Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani called for regime change in Tehran.
For almost 30 years, several thousand members of the People’s Mujahedin lived in exile in Iraq, but in 2013, many of them moved to Albania. And since 2017, the majority of the group has lived in the isolated camp near Tirana.

Growing Influence

Ever since the group set up shop in Albania, however, more and more members have defected.

Some tell stories of torture experienced in the camp and of group sessions in which members are required to open up about their sexual fantasies. Women are allegedly forced to wear headscarves. And all of it takes place in the name of a phantom leader named Masoud Rajavi, who hasn’t been seen since 2003. Indeed, it isn’t even clear if he is still alive; photos from the 1990s show a mustachioed man in a green uniform.

The residents of the camp are just one part of the movement, which is led by Maryam Rajavi, the wife of the vanished leader. The 65-year-old commutes between Albania and her office in Paris, from which she leads the group’s political arm, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), which is active in both Europe and the U.S. NCRI is structured as a kind of interim government, ready to take over in Tehran as soon as the current regime is toppled and the group has offices in many capital cities, including one in Washington not far from the White House. In Berlin, NCRI has an office in the Wilmersdorf district, located just southwest of the city center. The movement in Germany has just a few hundred members, but it has several thousand members around the world.

Maryam Rajavi is the acting leader of the People’s Mujahedin. Her husband has not been seen since 2003.
And they have proven to be adept lobbyists, having won over influential supporters in recent years. U.S. Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao, National Security Adviser John Bolton and Giuliani have all spoken at NCRI events and they all view the group as a viable alternative to the current regime in power in Tehran.
“The mullahs must go, the ayatollah must go, and they must be replaced by a democratic government, which Madam Rajavi represents,”Giuliani said at an annual NCRI rally in Paris in June 2018. And he suggested that such a regime change could come soon:”Next year, I want to have this convention in Tehran!”he said. Both Giuliani and Bolton have even visited the group in Albania, and last Monday, the 40th anniversary of the Iranian Revolution, the national security adviser issued a video message addressing Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, in which he said:”I don’t think you’ll have many more anniversaries to enjoy.”
But who are Trump’s allies inside the secretive camp? Two lion statues guard the large iron gate at the camp’s entrance and guards call out”No, no!”if anyone stops out front. Three men march out of the gate and refuse to answer any questions, promising that interview requests will be responded to the next day. But nobody ever calls.
DER SPIEGEL never received a response from the People’s Mujahedin or from the NCRI to any of its interview queries prior to the visit, neither from Tirana, Paris or Berlin. A lawyer representing the group likewise declined to discuss the case of Somayeh Mohammadi. Indeed, the group only responded when DER SPIEGEL sent an email outlining the accusations that had been made against it, with an NCRI spokesman in Berlin essentially denying everything. On its websites, the organization claims to stand for democracy, human rights and the strict separation of church and state in Iran.”We want a pluralist system, freedom of parties and assembly,”it says, for example, in an article entitled”Maryam Rajavi’s Ten Point Plan for Future Iran.”
The statements suggest that once the People’s Mujahedin take over power in Iran, everything will immediately improve. But reports from those who have experienced life in the camp do not reflect that message. Instead, they appear to be prisoners of their own rebellion.

Gholamreza Shekari; Tirana; Der Spiegel

‘Lies, Manipulation and Fear’

It is, of course, undeniable that the regime in Tehran and the People’s Mujahedin are engaged in a propaganda war and lies from both sides are to be expected. But DER SPIEGEL has spoken with 15 former camp residents, some of them for several hours — and their stories are largely consistent on the most important point: The organization is essentially a sect that is difficult to escape.
Gholamreza Shekari, a slender 50-year-old man with bony cheeks, says he spent 27 years as a member of the People’s Mujahedin, adding”the organization’s public face is liberal. Internally, though, it works by way of lies, manipulation and fear.”
Shekari fell into the group of fighters as a 20-year-old, as many others apparently did as well — through false promises. In 1988, during the confusion of the Iran-Iraq War, he fled across the Iraqi border, where he met members of the People’s Mujahedin.”They spoke of freedom and democracy for Iran,”Shekari says.”And then they promised me that they would arrange a visa for Europe for me.”He believed them.
Later, he says, they took his documents and told him that if he left the group, he would end up in an Iraqi torture prison. An organization spokesman rejects the claim as a”ridiculous and fictitious film scenario.”
“They told us lies to ensure our obedience,”says Shekari.”We were guarded and forced to break off contact with our families.”Claims that fighters were banned from maintaining contact with their families are”baseless lies,”says the organization.
Shekari says that he repeatedly asked when he would be allowed to leave. But that turned out to be a mistake: According to Human Rights Watch, the organization began torturing members who wanted to leave the group or who asked critical questions in the mid-1990s.

“They insulted me as a spy, beat my shins until they were bloody and put out burning cigarettes on my skin,”Shekari says. After a week, he says, his lower legs were completely black. He rolls up his jeans to reveal scars covering his legs.

Ultimately, he says, the leader Masoud Rajavi gathered all those who had been tortured.”He threatened that if we ever spoke about it, we would be handed over to the Iraqis, which would mean additional torture or death.”

Group Denies Torture Claims

When confronted with these accusations, the spokesman for the organization’s German chapter says that”neither in the 1990s, nor before or after, did the group keep its members prisoner or torture them.”
Despite everything, Shekari remained with the organization for another 23 years, which at best could be explained as being the result of brainwashing. Only in Albania did the others allow him to leave, in September 2016. Now, he lives in a sparsely furnished apartment in Tirana and receives financial support from the UN Refugee Agency. He doesn’t have much choice but to stay where he is because, as an Iranian, getting visas is difficult and there are many countries to which he is not allowed to travel.
After he left the group, he says he received the equivalent of 350 euros per month from the group for half a year”so that I would keep my mouth shut,”Shekari claims.”The organization claims that we are all agents so that nobody believes us,”he says.”But I’m not working for anyone.”

The People’s Mujahedin used to receive funding from the erstwhile Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, but these days, group supporters collect donations and can often be seen in the pedestrian zones of German cities, showing passersby photos of executions in Iran. They operate under the cover of organizations with names like the”Association for Future Hope”or”Aid Organization for Human Rights in Iran.”According to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency, these and other groups are linked with the People’s Mujahedin. In a message written to DER SPIEGEL about the camp’s financing, the group wrote:”All costs are covered by supporters of the resistance both inside and outside of Iran.”
Security experts believe that the U.S., Saudi Arabia and Israel also provide the group with financial support, but there is no proof for that supposition. The organization writes:”We haven’t received even a single euro from any government.”

Masoud Rajavi launched what he called an”ideological revolution”in 1985. He married the wife of a confidant and forced all others to get divorced

An ‘Ideological Revolution’

The transformation into a sect-like organization can be explained by history. After the overthrow of the shah, the militant group, still adamantly anti-American at the time, lost the ensuing power struggle and was persecuted by the religious regime under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. The members fled to Iraq, from where they carried out terrorist attacks in Iran and fought against their own country in the Iran-Iraq War.
Fearing that the group might disintegrate, leader, Masoud Rajavi launched what he called an”ideological revolution”in 1985. He married the wife of a confidant and forced all others to get divorced, with children being sent abroad. Loyalties other than the one to the group’s leader were no longer to be tolerated — and that is when the personality cult surrounding Rajavi and his new wife Maryam began. Still today, many camp residents continue to wear the leader’s likeness on a chain around their necks.
The last time Masoud Rajavi was seen was in March 2003, shortly before the first American bombs began falling in Baghdad. But Maryam Rajavi continues speaking about her husband as though he were still alive. Not long after the beginning of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Americans captured the People’s Mujahedin’s camp and disarmed the group. Soon, though, the organization began claiming it backed the U.S., even though it had been fighting on behalf of Saddam Hussein only a short time before.
The group’s disarming could have spelled the end, but hardliners like then-U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney wanted to use them as leverage against Iran. Already in 2002, the group had worked with the Israeli secret service Mossad in revealing that Iran had begun covertly enriching uranium.

In 2007, units of the People’s Mujahedin began to receive training at a U.S. military facility in the desert of Nevada — even though the group was still listed by Washington as a terrorist organization at the time. And now, the Trump administration has taken the position that the People’s Mujahedin has been demanding for years: a hardline stance toward Iran. And the group believes that it has played a role: When Trump abandoned the nuclear deal with Iran in May, the group’s commanders celebrated as though they had just won a great victory.
Their list of supporters is currently longer than it has ever been, including numerous U.S. Senators and members of the U.S. military and security apparatus. The former Saudi Arabian intelligence chief, Turki Bin Faisal al Saud, is also a proponent. In the European Parliament, a group called Friends of a Free Iran advocates on behalf of the People’s Mujahedin as does a multipartisan group in the German federal parliament, the Bundestag, called the German Solidarity Committee for a Free Iran.
Trump confidant Rudy Giuliani:”The mullahs must go, the ayatollah must go, and they must be replaced by a democratic government, which Madam Rajavi represents.”
In October, Martin Patzelt, a parliamentarian with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), visited the camp in Albania together with former Bundestag President Rita Süssmuth, also of the CDU. Süssmuth raved about the”joie de vivre culture”among the People’s Mujahedin, adding that the Iranian secret service has repeatedly propagated”terrible things”about the group.
The People’s Mujahedin has often rejected all manner of accusations as propaganda from Tehran. And it has been an effective strategy, in part because Iran has brutally persecuted the group in the past and executed thousands of its followers.

around a thousand members work in the so-called”computer division,”allegedly using fake accounts to post pro-organization propaganda on Twitter and Facebook

War Footing

The depictions of those who have left the organization make it sound like the group is constantly on war footing. Eight residents sleep in each room and they have to get up between 4:30 and 5:00 a.m. In addition to combat training, they also take care of construction projects in the camp. The defectors also say that around a thousand members work in the so-called”computer division,”allegedly using fake accounts to post pro-organization propaganda on Twitter and Facebook. Others, say former members, use the messenger service Telegram to entice new Iranian recruits to join them in Albania.
The group’s spokesman counters that claims that the organization is running a troll factory are merely an”attempt to cover up fake accounts belonging to the Iranian regime.”
Former group members say that there are some 200 commanders in the camp and they sometimes read out a letter from their vanished leader, including sentences like:”Have no fear, victory is ours, we will be in Iran.”
The question as to why the Albanian government tolerates the Iranian group in their country is one that the Interior Ministry in Tirana is not willing to answer. But U.S. government documents make it clear why the People’s Mujahedin ended up in Albania in the first place.
After the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, the situation became increasingly dangerous for them. During her time in office, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped find a solution, together with the United Nations, and ultimately Albania agreed to accept a number of group members. In return, the U.S. donated $20 million to the UN Refugee Agency and pledged development aid to Albania.
Starting in 2013, group leaders began buying up more and more land and ultimately built the camp, including dozens of white containers and gray, two-story buildings. They house a large kitchen, a bakery, a music studio, a computer center and a dentistry practice — at least according to a propaganda video. On another one of the few videos from inside the camp, Somayeh Mohammadi can be seen, the woman whose father has been trying to free her for 21 years. In the clip, she is wearing a uniform with a headscarf and is being interviewed by two Albanian journalists. Her father, she says, is an agent of the Iranian regime and insists she wants to remain in the camp.”Here is a free country. If I want to go anywhere, I can go.”
The story that her father has to tell, one backed up with documents and video material, sounds quite different. Mohammadi himself was a long-time supporter of the organization and he collected donations for the group in Canada, where he has lived since 1994. When Somayeh was 17 years old, a woman from the organization offered her a”short trip”to the camp in Iraq.

Iranian families of some of the 3,200 members of the MEK, who said loved ones were trapped at the MEK base in Iraq at Camp Ashraf, during a conference on Nov. 25, 2011, in Baghdad, Iraq. The Iraqi government said it would close the base by the end of that year.
Photo: Scott Peterson/Getty Images

‘The Organization Gives Nothing’

Somayeh never came back. The organization sent a cassette recording of Somayeh saying that she had decided to remain in the camp. Her father says that the organization lured him to places in various countries with the promise that he could see her, but instead used him in demonstrations.”The organization gives nothing without getting something in return,”Mohammadi says.
On one video from June 2003, Mohammadi can be seen in front of the French Embassy in Ottawa, apparently drenched in gasoline as he pulls out a match — which a journalist then knocks out of his hand. At the time, group leader Maryam Rajavi was in pre-trial detention in France on suspicions of terrorism and protesters in many countries had lit themselves on fire in front of French embassies. Because he too had apparently been preparing to do the same, Mohammadi was considered a hero within the group from that moment on. He was even allowed to visit his daughter in the camp. But he ultimately distanced himself from the group and began filming everything in an attempt at collecting evidence that she was being held against her will.

On Oct. 17, 2013, Somayeh sent a letter to Canadian authorities, in which she wrote:”Please help me return to my former country, Canada, as soon as possible.”But Somayeh doesn’t have a Canadian passport and the authorities were unable to help her.

But then, she apparently changed her mind yet again — and a book was even published in her name as a PDF document, in which she claims that she wants to stay with the People’s Mujahedin.
“Who knows what they did to her,”says her father.

By Luisa Hommerich / DER SPIEGEL

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