European citizens where shocked to see MEK supporters set themselves ablaze as a form of protest to their leader’s arrest. This was considered by the MEK as an act of martyrdom. Since then, the two above-mentioned women are glorified as martyrs of the group and the others who were paralyzed by the fire they set on themselves, are over-valued as role models for the entire members of the group. What it suggests about the MEK?

The most striking feature is the intensity of personal loyalty to the leadership. In ordinary political movements, arrests trigger petitions, rallies, legal defense funds, or strikes. Self-immolation is something else: it suggests an environment where followers saw the leader’s detention not merely as a political setback but as an existential, sacred crisis.

That does not prove that leaders directly ordered anyone to die. But it does strongly suggest an organizational culture capable of producing self-destructive acts in defense of leadership. When members are socialized to treat obedience, sacrifice, and total commitment as moral duties, the boundary between “voluntary protest” and psychological coercion gets blurry. In case of the MEK, members had been coerced to do so according to the testimonies of former members.

Signs of a destructive cult

Therefore, many critics call the MEK cult-like. Calling a group a cult is often imprecise, but in this case, critics point to recognizable features:

-Charismatic, centralized leadership focused heavily on Massoud and Maryam Rajavi.

-Demand for total commitment, where personal identity becomes subordinate to the organization.

-Emotional absolutism, dividing the world into pure supporters and evil enemies.

-Readiness for self-sacrifice framed as proof of sincerity and loyalty.

-Suppression of internal dissent, reported by many former members over the years.

The 2003 self-immolations became one of the strongest public signs supporting that critique, because they looked less like spontaneous democratic activism and more like leader-fixated martyrdom.

Neda Hassani and Sediqeh Mojaveri

The deaths of the two women matter not just as isolated tragedies but as evidence of how vulnerable adherents can become inside highly controlling movements. Several layers are worth separating to interpret the deaths of the two women.

Individual agency: the women physically carried out the act themselves.

Organizational responsibility: if a movement creates intense pressure, glorifies sacrifice, and equates devotion with suffering, it bears moral responsibility even without issuing explicit instructions.

Symbolic messaging: self-immolation is designed to shock witnesses and force attention. In this case, it also signaled that Rajavi’s supporters understood her detention as worth dying for.

So, the deaths can be analyzed as both political communication and human exploitation.

The outcome of self-immolations for the MEK

Politically, the tactic was counterproductive outside the committed base. For sympathizers already deeply attached to the MEK, it may have reinforced solidarity. But to broader European audiences, it confirmed fears that the organization had fanatical or cultic tendencies. A movement trying to present itself as a democratic alternative usually benefits from showing discipline, public legitimacy, and respect for life. Supporting self-immolations do the opposite.

Ethically, this is hard to view as a legitimate form of protest in any positive sense. Self-immolation can sometimes be framed historically as a desperate act against overwhelming oppression. But here the trigger was the arrest of a political organization’s leader in a democratic country with legal procedures available. That makes the act look less like the “voice of the voiceless” and more like extreme leader worship under conditions of ideological control.

The key moral point is this: when people die for a leader’s prestige or freedom rather than for their own immediate survival, one should examine the structure of influence around them, not romanticize the sacrifice.

The 2003 self-immolations indicate that the MEK had, an intensely authoritarian internal culture with the power to drive followers toward lethal acts of devotion. The two deaths are best seen as tragic outcomes of manipulation, autocratic ideology, and leader-centered mobilization, not as healthy political resistance.

This event is one of the clearest cases critics use when arguing that the MEK functioned less like a normal opposition movement and more like a high-control organization built around the Rajavis, a cult of personality with a past record of acts of violence.

Mazda Parsi

The post June 17th, 2003, a Counterproductive Event for the MEK appeared first on Nejat Society.

It seems that in the violent history of the MEK, which includes imprisonment, interrogation, and torture, Dr. Vahid, given his expertise, is a unique repository of secrets. He is actually a black box for the Rajavi’s system, particularly during the 1990s, at Camp Ashraf, Iraq.

According to the testimonies of many defected members, Dr. Vahid not only did not prioritize the treatment of MEK members, but also fully cooperated with the organization’s leaders in covering up many of the murders that occurred within the organization.

Ignoring torture and beatings

Reza Gooran, former member of the MEK was imprisoned, interrogated and tortured by the MEK commanders because he had criticized the leaders. After enduring long interrogations, beatings, and extreme hunger in solitary confinement, Reza Goran was taken to Camp Ashraf’s infirmary where he begged Dr. Vahid to stop the torturers, but he remained silent. Goran writes: “As far as I know and have heard, Dr. Vahid was completely obedient to the leaders of the MEK and did whatever they dictated to him, without any ifs or buts.”

Hassan Moradi, another former member MEK, believes that Dr. Vahid is one of those who know many secrets about the conditions prevailing in the MEK. According to him, “many of those who were tortured or died under torture eventually ended up in infirmary, and Dr. Vahid was responsible for processing and issuing death certificates.”

Issuing fake death certificates

Hassan Moradi recalls: “I remember in 1971, Nasser Mohammadi Deljo in the 37th Division, while on guard duty at night, had put a gun to his heart and shot himself. The next day, his body was taken to a cemetery in the city of Khalis and buried. One of the forces who went to his burial later told me that they had told the Iraqi officer that he had fallen asleep while on guard duty and that the shooting had been unintentional. The death certificate, which Dr. Vahid had prepared and signed, stated that the shooting had been unintentional.”

One of those who died under torture by the MEK interrogators was Ghorban Ali Torabi. Several of Torabi’s cellmates witnessed his harrowing death. The official testimony of these witnesses was first published in the 2005 Human Rights Watch report titled “No Exit,” but Ghorban Ali’s son, Mohammad Reza Torabi, a former child soldier of the MEK, only learned of his father’s murder by the MEK interrogators when he left the organization 18 years later and gained access to the free world. He was informed by other defectors of the group.

After leaving the MEK, Mohammad Reza Torabi (Ray Torabi) began his activities on social media and among other defectors to pursue the murder of his father, whom he had not seen since childhood. Along the way, he obtained more information about his father’s death. Among the messages he received, a sender wrote about Dr. Vahid’s role in the disappearance of his father’s body: “Mohammad Reza, I must inform you with great regret that your beloved father was martyred under torture in Ashraf Prison. And your father was buried in the Al-Karkh cemetery near the former Badi’zadegan camp, in an unidentified plot, and only a number was placed above his grave. In addition, about twelve people are buried in that cemetery. I swear to God to witness and testify that it is the truth and that a few people know this. Mokhtar Jannet, Majid Alemian, Nariman and Adel, and Dr. Vahid know about it.”

Also, in the 27th session of the trial of the leaders of the MEK held in Tehran in last February, Issa Azadeh, a former member, told the judge about the torture of members inside the MEK headquarters. “If someone committed suicide or was killed under torture, the most trustworthy and reliable person in the organization for filming was Javad Ghadiri,” he testified. “Dr. Vahid was also responsible for issuing burial permits for the killed and tortured.”

Medical Negligence

Seyed Javad Ahmadi Alvanabadi, now in Albania at the Ashraf 3 camp, continues to serve as a confidential doctor devoted to Maryam and Massoud Rajavi. Members who have left the MEK in recent years, in Albania speak of Dr. Vahid’s shortcomings in medical care and treatment of members.
According to them, he and his colleagues simply ignore people’s health problems to prevent members from leaving the camp in better words to prevent their escape. Ali Zamani, a member of Nejat Society Albania who has left the group for a few years, says the following about Dr. Vahid: “In Albania, I was sick. In the MEK’s health center, Dr. Vahid and several doctors said that if you get a surgery, you will get worse. They misled me. The specialist I went to said that I would be treated with surgery, but the group’s doctors scared me that there would be complications.”

Mazda Parsi

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Zhina is one of the former child soldiers of the MEK who testified against the MEK in the Hamburg court in Amin Gol Maryami’s case. She was also interviewed by some journalists and filmmakers in Europe. This is her account on gender separation inside the MEK camps that she has recently published on the Facebook in Persian:
In 1995, I was about seventeen years old when I was discharged from the reception unit at Camp Ashraf and transferred to army units. At that time, army divisions and centers were mixed, only the workrooms, dormitories, sports, the distance between dining tables, and the rows of chairs in classrooms and meetings were gender-segregated.
After a while, perhaps only a few months, all the women were called to the Badi Zadeh camp near Baghdad for an important meeting. The meeting was held by one of the high-ranking officials named Nasrin (Mahvash Sepehri). She told everyone: “A woman has betrayed the ideological revolution. She had an affair with a man. They were seen behind a car. She was arrested and she will be soon punished.”

Then she lectured for hours and days against male-female relationships. And she made all the women write down their thoughts and confess that if they even thought about someone in their minds; this was considered a form of betrayal and they had to confess.
Out of curiosity, I was looking for someone who was absent and probably the same absentee was under punishment. When I noticed the absence of a woman, I secretly asked my comrades and some of them confirmed that it was her. She had been missing for a long time. Even when the meetings were over and we returned to Camp Ashraf, she was not there. She was probably a prisoner.

Gender segregation laws

When we returned, they imposed new regulations called “Revolutionary Laws,” such as the followings:
– Women were prohibited from leaving the center alone
– Talking to men alone was prohibited
– Men and women were prohibited from riding in the same car
– Men were prohibited from smoking in front of women
– Laughing loudly and joking was prohibited
Meetings between men and women who were relatives and acquaintances were also considered anti-value and had to be determined from higher ranks based on necessities, such as illness, etc. I may have forgotten some other rules.

Walls raised between men and women of Ashraf

After a while, about a few months later, we were called again to a larger meeting, in which the center and the special women’s division were announced to everyone as “a progress” and a celebration was held in this regard.
After that, separate centers and headquarters for women were established, which were a long desert distance from the men. Only a few older women who were officials and their offices remained in the men’s centers. No young women were allowed to stay in the men’s headquarters.

From then on, we could only see men from a distance once or twice a year, during major ceremonies such as Nowruz and Eid al-Fitr. During meetings known as “To’meh”, anyone who kept even a memento of their former lover or fiancé, or had the slightest emotional relationship with another woman, was severely tried. The description of those days needs too many details.

After that, all the men of Ashraf were transferred to border camps, such as Basra in southern Iraq, Kut and Jalula, etc., except for a few sick old men and a few elderly repairmen. All the protection of the great Ashraf was the responsibility of women. No birds flew and the silence of the desert was noisy.

We did not see a single man for a long time. No longer could a girl secretly make eye contact with her lover from a distance even once a year during ceremonies– to be filled with energy from that. Therefore, emotional relationships between women with each other became many, and trials and forced separations even between some women became intense.

In 2003, after the end of the American invasion to Iraq and the fall of Saddam, the men returned tired and wounded from the border camps, some had been killed, some had escaped and surrendered to American camps. Weapons and tanks were surrendered to them in the siege of the American army. Therefore, from now on, artistic, political and cultural ceremonies increased.

Some women, who were now older and more specialized, were transferred to the headquarters and were in the same headquarters with the men. Again, a few secret relationships between men and women occurred, which made the authorities regret very much. All female members were sent to women’s units again.

One of the most famous trials of that time was the trial of “Marjan Akbarian”, which led to her heartbreaking suicide. I previously published her photo in the Ashraf guidance boarding school when we were little.

Rebellion and madness

Sometimes a woman would rebel or go crazy, for example, she would run away from the women’s quarters at night with a backpack and go to the men’s quarters, take off her hijab and shout: “Catch me if you can!”
Or a woman who had fallen in love with another woman or had a forbidden friendship and emotional relationship. They were tried and one of them was dragged on the ground befire the eyes of everyone, and she would shout: “Finally, one day the whole of Ashraf will rebel against you.”

The leaders told members that they were psychotic. I remember three women in particular whose faces were unusually puffy and who had become strangely quiet and calm, and were not as rebellious as before. Later I found out that they were being injected with drugs.

Secret trials were also held in a cell, where people were imprisoned and forced to confess and repent. And if someone tried to escape, they were severely beaten. By the time we reached Camp Liberty next to Baghdad airport, although the imprisonment and beatings had decreased due to the UN’s visit to the camp. But for example, there was a woman who was not allowed to leave the women’s headquarters and was assigned to guard shifts, and even with a visa and under the supervision of other women, she was not allowed to leave, except in a medical emergency with a senior commander.

I inquired about this during those days and found out that she was secretly writing letters to a man among the bricks and blocks of the camp. When we arrived in Albania, along with other more serious criticisms and protests, I asked one of the officials about her, whether writing letters was a sufficient reason to imprison her in the headquarters? She replied: “Did you forget Camp Ashraf, what worse trials such betrayals had? We only gave her such a lenient trial because of the UN visit.” Another official replied to me: “If she had become pregnant, who would have responded? It starts with a letter and ends with pregnancy, and we had an example.”

I was shocked by this answer. I had never heard of it. Even the word “pregnancy” was taboo, and no one was allowed to use this word, let alone have it happen in her body. I had no other answer or question. Because my brain was not yet ready for words. My lips fell silent… and there I learned for the first time that one of the women who had been tried in Ashraf for a serious love affair was pregnant. She committed suicide after the trial.

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Ideological Revolution and Absolute Loyalty

The forced divorces and subsequent marriages to Massoud Rajavi are widely understood by former members and observers as a mechanism to enforce absolute loyalty and devotion to Rajavi himself, rather than to spouses or family.

According to the testimonies of former members, Rajavi argued that familial ties and romantic relationships were distractions that diverted members’ focus and loyalty away from the organization and its cause –and leaders. By eliminating these personal bonds, he aimed to create a monolithic, single-minded force entirely dedicated to his leadership and the group cause.

Elimination of Rival Loyalties

“Ideological revolution” was designed to dismantle any potential rival loyalties that could challenge Rajavi’s authority. Spouses, children, and personal relationships wear seen as potential sources of dissent or divided allegiances. Forcing divorces and separating families was a way to sever these ties and ensure that Rajavi was the sole object of devotion.

Control and Manipulation

Critics argue that these practices were a form of extreme psychological manipulation and control. By isolating members from their families and personal relationships, Rajavi could exert greater influence over their thoughts and actions. The “marriages” to Rajavi, as described by former members, further cemented this control, creating a direct, personal and often coercive bond between female members and the leader.

Symbolic and Actual Power Consolidation

The marriages to Massoud Rajavi are not conventional marriages but rather a symbolic and actual consolidation of power. Former members describe these as a form of sexual exploitation and a means to assert Rajavi’s ultimate authority over the female members, framing it as an “ideological union”.
This also served to elevate Rajavi to a quasi-divine status within the organization, where he was seen as the ultimate figure of devotion and the “husband” of all female members.

Suppression of Dissent

The strict ideological framework and the dismantling of personal relationships also served to suppress any potential dissent. Members who questioned these practices and expressed reluctance faced severe pressure, public self-criticism sessions, and potential ostracization.
In summary, while the MEK leadership maintains silence or denial regarding the specifies of these practices, external analysis and testimonies from former members consistently point to these actions as integral to Massoud Rajavi’s strategy for absolute control, loyalty, and the consolidation of his personal power within the organization.

The post Why did Massoud Rajavi enforce divorces in the MEK? appeared first on Nejat Society.

During Saddam Hussein’s rule, some Iranian Kurdish families resided in the Ramadi Camp in Iraq primarily due to the Iran-Iraq War and the subsequent unrest in Kurdistan, which led to their forced replacement across the border into Iraq. The Baathist government of Iraq relocated these Iranian Kurds to a camp in Ramadi, west of Baghdad in 1981. The location was specifically called Tash, a camp near the city of Ramadi.

MEK recruited forces from refugee camps

The MEK used to recruit forces from within the residents of Camp Tash, in particular from families suffering from poor life and economic conditions. They faced numerous interconnected challenges affecting them and their children’s health, education, housing, and overall well-being. Camp Tash housed Iranian Kurdish refugees until its closure. Due to a deteriorating security situation, including water shortages and violence, the camp’s population was relocated to safer areas in northern Iraq, particularly near Sulaymaniyah, in the mid-2000s.

Mahvash Sepehri a torturer of the MKO

Due to the harsh living conditions, lack of facilities, and uncertain future, refugee camps could have been a suitable breeding ground for groups such as the MEK. Individuals in these camps, especially young people and teenagers, may have been looking for a way to improve their situation or to find a purpose in life.

Mehri Aligholi

The MEK’s need for forces

The MEK attempted to recruit Iranian refugees in Iraq using propaganda and promises such as fighting for Iran’s freedom, a better life, and social status. These promises could have appealed to vulnerable families and young people in the camps. Farman and his sisters, Shokrieh and Sabrieh were among these victims.
During and after the Iran-Iraq War, the MEK, which was based in Iraq, sought to recruit forces to strengthen its military and political organization. Iranian refugees in Iraq, including the residents of the small city of Ramadi, were considered a potential source of recruitment.
There are numerous reports, documents, and testimonies that indicate MEK’s recruitments from among Iranian refugees in Iraq. Farman, Shokrieh and Sabrieh were recruited as child soldiers of the MEK’s so-called National Liberation Army (NLA).

Who was Farman Shafabin?

At least three former members of the MEK, Siamk Naderi, Mirbagher Sedaghi, and Maryam Sanjabi recounted the heart-breaking story of Farman Shafabin who joined the MEK in 1997 from Camp Tash.

Farman Shafabin was a young man without knowledge of the history and nature of the Cult of Rajavi, and thought that he could leave the group whenever he changed his mind. After a year or so, when he realized that the group has no exit door, he asked to leave, but like other ill-fated members who faced great hardship when they asked to leave, he was met with a flood of insults and slander. He was labeled as “traitor” by the MEK commanders and a traitor was not allowed to leave the MEK.

Farman’s only demand was to return to his family. He tried for a year to be freed, and during this time he was constantly under pressure. Manipulation meetings were organized for him to force him to back down from his demands and stay in the camp.

Farman did not know Persian because he grew up in Iraq. He spoke Kurdish. So, he was always criticized for not speaking Persian in the MEK’s headquarters, Camp Ashraf. In the last large criticism meeting that Mehri Ali Qoli, a female commander, had organized for him on this issue, she shouted at him, “Farman!… Who are you? Do you remember that your father sold your sisters in Ramadi to feed your stomach!? Now you have become a thorn in our side, and you do not obey to speak Persian?”

After this meeting, Farman went outside and poured oil on his body. He returned to the hall, lit a lighter and set himself on fire. Other comrades tried to put him out. Then, he was sent to a hospital in Baghdad but died two days later.

Following the death of Farman, a high-ranking commander held a meeting to convince other members about Farman’s fate. Mahvash Sepehri (Nasrin), the then top commander of Camp Ashraf, criticized Farman’s comrades for his death, saying, “You were not harsh enough against Farman (meaning you didn’t criticize sharply). If you had slammed him, Farman wouldn’t have spoiled himself!”

There is no information about the fate of Farman’s sisters.

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These reports detail instances of children being subjected to military training, ideological indoctrination and participation in operations against Iran. The practice is a clear violation of international law, which defines a child soldier as any person under 18 years of age who is part of any regular and irregular armed force or group in any capacity.

The MEK has consistently denied these documents, claiming that individuals under 18 were not involved in combat and that minors in their camps were there for educational purposes!
However, testimonies from former child soldiers of the MEK and independent investigations contradict the denials, providing evidence of the systematic use of children in their ranks.

Amir Yaghmai, former child soldier of the MEK is one of the first individuals who testified against the MEK. He was of the four children of Mujahed parents whose story was documented in Sara Moin’s documentary, Children of Camp Ashraf.

Moin’s documentary highlights the experience of Amir as a child soldier, detailing his life within the MEK’s cult-like structure and the psychological impact on his upbringing. Amir also began writing his story on X social network.

This part of his memoirs indicates how the MEK child soldiers were manipulated by the group authorities and eventually emotionally dependent on the arms and ammunitions of the group’s army. Based on Amir’s testimony, when the US military wanted to disarm the MEK in 2003, arms had been so vital to the MEK members that a female member (a mother) handed her child soldier son to the American Colonel in exchange for the arms!

Amir Yaghmai writes:
“A female commander named Leila – who had sent me to Iraq from Paris – came forward, dragged one of the teenagers towards the colonel and shouted: ‘Please! Take my son, but don’t take our tanks! We need them for freedom!’ The boy, Amin, found himself between the Mujahideen and the Americans, looking at his mother and the Americans in amazement, not knowing which way to go. It was a strange scene, beyond this world as we know it.”

Amir quotes another child soldier named Hanif who cried at the American Colonel, “Peel my skin me alive! Break my teeth! But don’t take my tank!”
Child soldiers of extremist groups like the MEK develop a profound emotional dependency on their arms due to the complex interplay of psychological mind control. After years of isolation at Camp Ashraf, weapon had become a source of security in highly insecure and threatening situations. The MEK’s ideology always glorified armed struggle, imbuing weapons with a sacred or heroic significance, with had been deepened the Child soldier’s emotional bonds with their arms. This dependency made disarmament an extremely challenging for MEK members in particular child soldiers.

Mazda Parsi.

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In a recent article titled “The Complex Intersection of Sex and Cults,” American researcher Stephanie Elias argues that cult leaders often use sex as a tool for power and control, presenting themselves as divine or clairvoyant figures with whom sexual contact is essential for spiritual or personal growth. This manipulative tactic is often framed as part of a broader mission, whether that mission is to bring followers closer to “enlightenment” or fulfill some divine purpose. The leader becomes the ultimate arbiter of sexual relations within the group, determining who sleeps with whom, when, and why.
Documents and accounts from women who defected the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) indicate that Massoud Rajavi, as the leader of the cult, also used sexual exploitation of women as a means of exerting power and control and creating dependency.

By focusing on sexual relations within the group structure, as Stephanie Elias writes, cults create an environment in which members come to believe that their emotional, physical, and spiritual well-being is tied to following the leader’s rules. Members may become conditioned to believe that abstaining from sex with the leader will lead to spiritual or personal failure. This creates a dependency on sexual “privileges” granted or withheld by the leader.

Sima, Another Witness to Rajavi’s Sexual Corruption

Batoul Soltani was the first woman to speak out after fleeing Rajavi’s destructive cult about Massoud Rajavi’s mass marriages with women of the leadership council, the “Liberation Dance” sessions, and the sexual relations of these women with Massoud Rajavi. Batoul Soltani’s horrific but courageous revelations were only repeated in quotes from other male defectors, such as Siamak Naderi, Iraj Mesdaghi, and Mohammad Reza Torabi, who they likely heard in private conversations with other former female members of the MEK.

Until the publication of the famous Intercept article in 2020, in which two journalists named Murtaza Hussain and Matthew Cole interviewed six former members of the MEK, no other female former member of the cult had spoken out openly about Massoud Rajavi’s sexual abuse of women and the practice of sterilization. Sima is the second female ex-member of the MEK to speak out in this investigative report about Massoud Rajavi’s sexual corruption.

In the Intercept article, “Defectors Tell of Torture, Forced Sterilization in Iran’s Militant Sect,” published on March 22, 2020, the authors state that their report contains the following: “Interviews with six defectors, including several who held senior positions, provide the most detailed account yet of life inside the MEK.”

Reza Sadeghi, Batoul Soltani, Issa Azadeh, Ghorbanali Hosseinnejad, and “Sima” were the five who allowed the Intercept to record their experiences in the MEK. Sima is the only person whose real name is not given in the Intercept report for ethical reasons, and is introduced as follows:

Another female member of the High Council at Camp Ashraf, whom The Intercept agreed to identify only as Sima, said she joined the MEK in the 1980s and left it in 2014. Unlike other former members, Sima asked that her real name not be used because she feared retaliation from current MEK members. She now lives in hiding in a European country and agreed to meet privately in a place where other local supporters of the group were unlikely to see her.

Sima explains her fear of the MEK to The Intercept: “You must know the organization and the psychological warfare that they start against you. They assassinate your personality and you will lose your closest friends; even your family wouldn’t trust you. This is the reason that these people are scared.”

According to the Intercept, Sima’s background in activism is that she joined the MEK in Iran after becoming disillusioned with other leftist movements that seemed hesitant to confront the Shah or the Islamic Republic. But unlike other interviewees, she said she never felt fully committed to the MEK ideology, and it was very difficult for her to find a way back to her old life after being caught up in the organization.

She moved to Camp Ashraf in Iraq after marrying another MEK member, where she realized she had nowhere else to go. At that time, caught up in Rajavi’s cult, the world outside of Rajavi’s control seemed both unreal and frightening.

Like other members of the MEK, Sima underwent years of military training at Camp Ashraf to prepare for what she saw as an imminent attack on Iran and the installation of Rajavi as the country’s leader. They carefully studied maps of possible attack routes and received weapons and intelligence training. Sima was also aware of the large amounts of money flowing to the MEK from Saddam Hussein’s intelligence services.

She was among those who managed the group’s finances in the years leading up to the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. “I was managing the money for the hundred people in my section,” Sima said. “We received sacks full of Iraqi dinars every month.”, Sima told The Intercept.

Over the years, she began to clash with the group. In response, they monitored her and forced her to attend grueling self-criticism sessions that she described as psychologically challenging. Around 2000, Sima was nearing breaking point. She and another woman plotted an escape from Camp Ashraf. They mapped out their escape in meticulous detail, but the other woman betrayed her to the leaders of the MEK. Sima was not only punished, but also severely ostracized and subjected to psychological torture.

For most of the next 14 years, Sima was confined to a section of Camp Ashraf, unable to move freely. Like Batoul Soltani, Sima spoke of an intense form of psychosexual manipulation by Rajavi, which she said had become an integral tool in controlling the female cadres. Sima recounted that years earlier, in 1998, “Rajavi gave every woman in the organization a pendant and told us that we were all dependent on him and no other man.” She was eventually forced to divorce her husband and, like Batoul Soltani, eventually was coerced to sleep with Rajavi.

The Sterilization Project

The Intercept reports on a more shocking directive that Rajavi gave to the organization’s female members, based on testimonies of Sima and Batoul Soltani. “I see some obstacles which have prevented us from reaching our goals and achieving victory,” Rajavi told members of the group, Soltani recalled. “That obstacle is hope for the future. We want to eliminate any kind of hope for the future from your mind. You are either with us or not!”
Sterilization was a tool to capture the full mental focus of women. “They said that this organ of the body, the womb, has made women want to be mothers someday and return to domestic life,” Soltani told the Intercept. “And so, meetings with women began, to get them to go in groups of 20 or 30 to have a hysterectomy.”

The women were to be examines at the MEK hospital in Camp Ashraf. The procedures were to be performed by a female MEK member trained as a physician, with the assistance of a local Iraqi doctor. At first, Soltani resisted. But eventually, “the pressure was so great that it broke my resistance and I too, should make an appointment. In other words, they gave so many and varied arguments for me to go to the hospital that I had no choice.”

Rajavi later asked at a meeting, referring to what he called “women who have abandoned the last vestiges of their sexual world and have undergone surgery,” “How many women have reached the peak?” The doctor replied that there had been 50. Soltani eventually left the MEK in 2006, before the operation could be performed on her.

And here’s Sima’s story in the sterilization project: After much insistence from the MEK leaders, Sima finally agreed to have her ovaries surgically removed in 2011. “When you’re brainwashed, you do anything. You would do any military operation, you would go and have sexual relations with your leader, you would sell information and intelligence. We were under constant control by the leader,” she told The Intercept.

Sima in the Free World

When Sima finally left the MEK, she said, “I felt like a lost person.” The United Nations arranged a meeting between her and her brother, whom she had not seen for 30 years. At first, Sima was reluctant to hug or kiss her brother, because she had become so alienated from her closest relative. Her brother taught her how to shop and use money. Sima said she told her brother, “I haven’t seen anything like this in about 30 years. I have completely forgotten what real life is like outside the MEK.”
“They destroyed my life,” she says quietly.
According to The Intercept, when she first spoke out against the group, current members requested a meeting. They offered her several thousand euros not to criticize the group, which Sima says she declined. “I told them, ‘You cannot return what I lost, my family, my husband. You cannot return that.’”

Mazda Parsi

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The “Butterfly,” the symbol of freedom and transformation, was not chosen by chance. Like the butterfly emerging from its cocoon, many of the former MEK members have emerged from the darkness of manipulation and isolation, to finally find light and free air in Albania.

Through the images on display, viewers travel through painful realities: faces without smiles, eyes that speak of hopelessness, gloomy environments and constant checks. But at the same time, the gallery also offers glimpses of rebirth – people who today walk freely, who smile with their families, who say their names and identities out loud. They are former members of the MEK.

The cartoons, with their sharp pen and subtle irony, strike at the closed system of the MEK. They reveal the absurdity of life under command, where free thought was forbidden, and love for family was considered treason. One particularly poignant cartoon shows a member of the organization trying to embrace the shadow of his mother behind an iron curtain. It is a metaphor for the lost years, for the longing that was never heard, and for the fundamental right to love.

This gallery is not just an art exhibition. It is an act of remembrance. It is a voice for those who have been silenced for years. It is an invitation to reflection for all of us – to understand how precious freedom is and how quickly it can be taken away when we lose the right to choose our own lives.

On behalf of the Nejat Society Albania and in solidarity with all those who have suffered under the MEK’s oppression, this gallery remains a window of hope and courage. Because every butterfly that rises above the earth is a soul that has regained freedom.

Etleva Sulollari

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

Butterfly Gallery, an exhibition run by Nejat Society Albania

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The group was founded in the 1960s with a blend of Islamic and Marxist ideologies, initially opposing the Shah of Iran [1] [4]. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the MEK clashed with Ayatollah Khomeini’s new regime, leading to a period of assassinations and bombings against Iranian officials [1] [2]. In the 1980s, the MEK relocated to Iraq and allied with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War, fighting against Iran [1] [4]. This alliance is a significant reason for its widespread unpopularity within Iran, as many Iranians view their collaboration with an enemy during wartime as unforgivable [1] [4].

Several former high-ranking members and human rights organizations have described the MEK as a cult. Masoud Banisadr, a former MEK representative to the UN and US, who left the group in 1996, now dedicates his work to understanding cults and terrorism, explicitly labeling the MEK a “destructive cult” [2] [3]. He highlights the presence of a charismatic leader (Masoud Rajavi, and later Maryam Rajavi), a black-and-white worldview, enforced isolation from family, and mind manipulation as key characteristics [2]. Banisadr recounts how members were encouraged to hate their family members if they were perceived as enemies and how he himself had to go into hiding after leaving the group [2].

Human Rights Watch and a 2007 US State Department report have documented allegations of severe mistreatment of MEK members, including forced divorces, lengthy solitary confinements, severe beatings, and torture for those attempting to leave the group [1] [4]. Banisadr himself was forced to divorce his wife, a common practice within the MEK where celibacy was enforced for all members except the Rajavi leadership [2] [3]. This control over personal relationships and the suppression of individuality are hallmarks of cultic behavior [2].

The MEK’s internal structure is far from democratic, despite its public portrayal as a democratic alternative to the Iranian government [1]. Critics argue that the group uses human rights concerns to obscure its past and present practices [1]. The group’s influence in Western political circles is often attributed to its significant financial contributions to speakers at its events, with estimates ranging from $30,000 to $50,000 per speech [1]. Despite its efforts to rebrand itself as a democratic force, analysts and former members assert that the MEK has little to no visible support inside Iran [1] [4].

Sources:
[1] Kamali Dehghan, Saeed, Who is the Iranian group targeted by bombers and beloved of Trump allies?, The Guardian, July 2, 2018.
[2] Adam Forrest, A Former MEK Member Talks About the Extremist Iranian ‘Cult’, VICE, September 2, 2014.
[3] Potter, Richard, The Cult in the Shadow War: An Interview with a former member of Mojahedin-e-Khalq, Mondoweiss, November 26, 2013.
[4] Lo, Joe, UK MPs attended rally for Iranian group whose leader is still banned by London, Middle East Eye, January 30, 2018.

Mazda Parsi

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Focusing on those who have written and spoken to certain media about their experiences as child soldiers or orphaned children in Europe and North America, you may find certain names. The experiences of children raised within or affected by the MEK are complex and often involve significant trauma.

The individuals like Hanif Azizi, Amir Yaghmai, Atefeh Sebdani, Parvin Hosseini, Ray Torabi, and Amin Golmaryami, are among those who have publicly shared their experiences. Their accounts often detail the challenges of growing up in the MEK environment, including separation from parents, indoctrination, and the psychological impact of the group’s activities.

These individuals have written about their experiences as child soldiers or as orphaned children in Europe and North America.

The experiences of these individuals, and others like them, are documented in various forms, including books, documentaries, memoirs, interviews, and journalistic reports. These accounts provide insights into the MEK’s internal dynamics, the treatment of children, and the long-term consequences of their involvement.

The MEK’s practices have been criticized by human rights organizations and former members. These criticisms often focus on the group’s authoritarian structure, the separation of families, and the use of children in political and military activities. The experiences of those who have left the MEK, particularly those who were children within the group, are crucial for understanding the impact of the MEK’s actions as a cult-like extremist group.

The mentioned-people have contributed to a growing body of literature and personal accounts that shed light on the MEK’s activities and their impact on individuals and families. Their stories are important for raising awareness about the MEK’s practices and the challenges faced by those who have been affected by the group.

In response, the group accuses its former child soldiers of being agents of the Iranian government to demonize the MEK.

However, the available sources do not provide credible evidence to support the MEK’s claims that former MEK child soldiers are Iranian agents. The sources, particularly those critical of the MEK, suggest that the MEK’s accusations are part of a broader strategy of demonization and propaganda, rather than being based on verifiable facts.

The MEK has been accused of various misconducts, including human rights abuses, and has been designated as a terrorist organization by several countries. The group’s history of violence, its controversial alliances, and the allegations of cult-like behavior all contribute to a lack of trust in its claims.

In recent years, children of Mujahed parents have testified in various ways about the violations of the rights of children who were involved with the MEK. Their testimonies are now part of the reliable and documented sources for investigating the crimes of MEK leaders. These testimonies are available for use in the trial of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi in a fair court.

Mazda Parsi

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