Khodabandeh was interviewed on the sidelines of one of the court sessions: “There are many unsaid words that need to be said somewhere. Regardless of the outcome of the court, these words must be said so that the younger generation, in particular, can understand what happened in this country, what incidents occurred, and where the root of all this lies.”

Regarding the strategy of the MEK, he said: “The MEK’s strategy was to overthrow the Islamic Republic. In the first stage, this strategy was to strike at the top leaders of the government so that a quick overthrow could occur and they could seize power. This strategy failed and was not carried out.”

According to Khodabandeh, the next stage was to strike at the bottom of the government. For example, the IRGC, Basij, the Hezbollahis (supporters of Islamic Republic). In order to run this phase, Massoud Rajavi ordered his forces to assassinate anyone who has a beard (anyone who looked like Hezbollahis!) and anyone who has a picture of Ayatollah Khomeini in his shop.

“We should reach the digit of killing one hundred people a day,” Khodabandeh cites from Rajavi.

However, the second stage also failed because the MEK ranks were widely arrested and punished by the Iranian security forces. Rajavi fled Iran and settled his base in Iraq which was at war with Iran.

“Taking shelter in Iraq, Saddam Hussein’s territory, the third stage of their strategy was to form the so-called National Liberation Army, as Saddam’s private army,” he said. “It wanted to gain power by Saddam’s military support.”

Aided by the enemy of Iran, the MEK launched some cross border operations against Iran. The largest operation was Forough Javidan which failed again.

So far, the MEK has had failures in different stages of their struggle to overthrow the Iranian government so they are doing the one thing that they are skillful in: Using violence. Khodabandeh stated: “The incidents that are happening in Iranian protests right now are the same things that were happening in the 1980s.”

Ebrahim Khodabandeh states in his interview: “After Operation Forough Javidan, Massoud Rajavi said that it would be worth it if half of the Iranian people were killed for the organization’s victory and gaining power in Tehran.”

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There are reports and testimonies that describe a systematic pattern of abuse under Rajavi’s leadership, where women were forced to divorce their husbands and were subjected to sexual submission to Rajavi himself.

Former female members such as Batoul Soltani, Zahra Moini, have provided testimonies detailing about abuses, including forced sexual acts and manipulation of women into “marrying” Rajavi.

Soltani testified in various documentaries and investigative reports that Rajavi had hundreds of “wives” within Camp Ashraf, Iraq, as many as the number of members of the MEK’s so-called Elite Council that consisted only female members.

The Elite Council is the symbol of women hegemony in the MEK’s system. The Council is a source of pride for the group.
According to the testimonies of Batoul Soltani and Zahra Moini, Maryam Rajavi, the MEK’s so-called President Elect and Massoud’s wife was involved in facilitating these “marriages” and threatening women who resisted. Batoul Soltani underwent the forced marriage ceremony called “Salvation Dance” which was actually a nude dancing, wedding party. After dancing nude with Masoud Rajavi, dozens of members of the Elite Council got married to him.

Additionally, some female defectors like Zahra Mirbagheri and Fereshteh Hedayati stated that at least one hundred of the MEK’s female members underwent forced hysterectomies without consent, which was retrospectively justified as sign of loyalty to the leader.

These practices were part of a broader “ideological revolution” initiated by Rajavi, which included banning marriage, enforcing mandatory “eternal” divorce, and separating children from their parents, often sending them abroad.

The MEK has consistently denied these allegations attributing them to “mullahs’ propaganda” but it has never explained why its leaders forced their members to divorce their spouses and why Massoud Rajavi married members of the Elite Council.

Mazda Parsi

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Sociologists classify people born in different periods into different groups based on fundamental changes in lifestyle. They call those born between 1964 and 1981 “Generation X,” those born between 1982 and 1997 “Generation Y” or millennials, and those born between 1997 and 2010 “Generation Z” or the Internet generation.

Research shows that Generation Z is committed to personal freedom. Their behavior falls into the liberal category in classical orderings. Masoud Rajavi, the disappeared leader of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) has recently called Generation Z as “the central core of future uprisings”, and Maryam Rajavi has lined up a number of surviving children of Mujahed parents in her recent propaganda shows boasting of the support of the younger generation of Iran (!).

It is necessary for the leaders of the MEK to learn more about certain concepts and words like Generation Z. Massoud Rajavi, as the creator of Rajavi’s personality cult, must understand that although Generation Z seems to be selfish and to consider themselves superior to others, they are so skillful in tolerating and accepting different and opposing beliefs, races, social levels, genders, and tastes. To the extent that some sociologists call them a generation of rationalism, pluralism, or plurality of beliefs. While tolerating others’ opinion is one of the missing concepts in the MEK.

The leaders of the MEK should note that trustworthy researches on the characteristics of Generation Z in various countries show that this generation has a great appetite for understanding the situation and the forces behind events. They do not easily accept media discourse. Therefore, Maryam Rajavi’s performance of forced rituals with a large group of women wearing forced hijab at Camp Ashraf 3, simply gives a glimpse of the real behind-the-scenes of her gathering with young people in European cities.

Unlike the reality of the MEK, where there is no room for dialogue and its members are suppressed for the slightest dissenting opinion or personal thought, Generation Z expresses their feelings easily, and believes in dialogue to resolve conflicts and improve the world. Members of this generation believe that change is achieved through dialogue. Common goals and motivations for doing great and new things bring them together, and they analyze and make decisions based on the data they collect from their communication networks.

Unlike the internal relations of the MEK, which are based on constant self-criticism and severe self-censorship, Generation Z usually avoids self-censorship. They present their demands without confrontation and conservatism, and express their opinions about family members, classmates, colleagues, friends, managers, and the government fearlessly.

Due to the historical record of the MEK, especially under the ruling of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, the MEK is highly unlikely to influence Generation Z in Iran. The MEK is known above all as a destructive cult with a history of extremism, terrorism and collaboration with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War. This criminal record has deprived the group of the support of the majority of the Iranian people, including the younger generations.

The MEK’s strict ideology, internal dictatorship, and numerous coercions in personal life have separated them from the demands of a generation that seeks freedom of choice, freedom of expression, and democratic values. Like their counterparts around the world, Iranian Generation Z is known for its strong emphasis on individual rights, free access to information, and a desire to create change based on modern democratic principles.

The past and present behaviors of the MEK, including its cult-like and authoritarian internal structure, and its historical collaboration with foreign powers hostile to Iran such as Saddam and Israel, are considered counter-values to Generation Z.

Thus, Massoud and Maryam Rajavi lack the necessary ability to attract the support of a generation that has critical thinking and believes in individual freedoms. The MEK leaders, with their organization’s problematic past, have nothing to say against the rationalism of Generation Z. This generation does not allow Massoud Rajavi’s fabricated, outdated ideology, which has the most illusory content, to emerge.

Mazda Parsi

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Rajavi’s miscalculations

One primary reason for Rajavi’s decision was his belief that the Iranian government was on the verge of collapse and that the Iranian public would rise up to support the MEK’s advance. This assessment was a critical misjudgment.
The Iran-Iraq War had severely weakened Iran, and the country had just accepted UN Resolution 598, signaling a willingness to end the conflict. Rajavi interpreted this as a sign of the Iranian government’s weakness and desperation, believing that a final push would lead to its downfall. He underestimated the Iranian people’s hatred against the MEK and their loyalty to the Islamic Republic, despite the war’s hardships. The MEK had been largely isolated from the realities inside Iran, operating from Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s patronage, which may have contributed to this skewed perception. Also, the Iranian nation despised the MEK because it had allied with the invader, Saddam Hussein.

Rajavi’s deep-rooted animosity against Iran

The MEK had been engaged in a pitiless war with the Islamic Republic of Iran since 1981, including from Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War. Rajavi, having sided with Saddam Hussein against his Iranian country-fellow, was seen as a traitor by many Iranians. This intense ideological conflict and desire for revenge likely fueled his determination to launch a decisive attack.
Another significant factor was the MEK’s reliance on Saddam Hussein’s support and their integration into the Iraqi military strategy. Saddam armed the MEK with Iranian weapons captured from Iranian troops and provided them with a base in Iraq. Massoud Rajavi, had close cooperation with Saddam Hussein, who entrusted them with the assassination of figures like Lieutenant General Sayyad Shirazi, who had inflicted heavy losses on Saddam’s army during the Iran-Iraq war. Saddam’s strategic objectives, which included creating a buffer zone and destabilizing Iran, aligned with the Rajavi’s ambitions, leading to a joint offensive. The MEK, with Iraqi air power cover, aimed to advance rapidly towards Kermanshah and ultimately Tehran.

Rajavi’s cult-like dictatorship

The MEK’s internal structure and leadership style also played a role. The organization was characterized by a “guru-like-leadership” where Rajavi held “divine power” and brainwashed members, controlling even their personal matters. This cult-like environment fostered unquestioning loyalty and may have suppressed dissenting opinions regarding the feasibility of the operation. Members were reportedly enslaved to the leadership’s decisions, making them willing to sacrifice their lives for the cause.

Bad timing for Rajavi

Finally, the timing of the operation, shortly after Iran accepted UN Resolution 598, was critical. Rajavi likely saw this as a window of opportunity, believing that Iran’s military was disorganized. However, Iran’s acceptance of the ceasefire allowed it to re-focus its military efforts on the MEK, leading to a swift and decisive counter-attack known as Operation Mersad. The Iranian military, including the Revolutionary Guard and the Army, unified their efforts and launched a coordinated response, utilizing paratroopers and air power to demolish the MEK forces. The MEK’s expectation of a popular uprising in Iran never materialized, and they were met with strong resistance from the Iranian military and civilians.

In summary, Massoud Rajavi’s decision to launch the Forough Javidan operation was a catastrophic miscalculation rooted in an overestimation of the MEK’s support within Iran, an underestimation of the Iranian government’s resilience, deep-rooted animosity towards Iran, and a strategic alignment with Saddam Hussein that ultimately backfired. He lost over one thousand of his forces including men, women and even child soldiers like Maryam Gheitani and Zohair Zakeri.

Mazda Parsi

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According to Gabor, some people are addicted to power, to wealth and to acquisition because they want to make themselves bigger. Their sense of insecurity and inferiority makes them need power to feel okay in themselves.

He refers to certain dictators in the history such as Alexander, Napoleon, Stalin and Hitler. To make themselves bigger, and in order to get that power, they were quite willing to fight wars and to kill a lot of people, just to maintain that power. “The addiction to power, is always about the emptiness that you try and fill from the outside,” Gabor says.

First of all, why did they need power so much? The interesting thing is that physically, they were all relatively short people, about my size, or even smaller. They came from the margins; they were not part of the mainstream population. Stalin was Georgian, not Russian; Napoleon was Corsican, not French; Alexander the Macedonian, not Greek; and Hitler was Austrian, not German. So, there was a deep sense of insecurity and inferiority complex in them.

Remember Massoud Rajavi, short man born in a small town far from capital with no upper-class family! He finds himself in a situation that all the first founders of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) are gone. He takes over the organization. However, after the Iranian revolution he and his group cannot find any position in the newly-established Islamic government. So, he sets off for a bloody war with Iranian government.

“They needed power to feel good about themselves, to make themselves feel great,” Gabor suggests. “And to get that power, they were quite willing to wage war and kill a lot of people, just to keep that power.” That’s what Rajavi did in accomplice with Saddam Hussein and other war-addicts around the world. His addiction to power led him to build his cult of personality in which he violates the right of his member, abuses women and trains child soldiers.

Amir Yaghmai, a former child soldier of the MEK, recalls Rajavi’s compatibility with what Gabor says about power addicts:
A man of about 160 centimeters tall, full of sexual and psychological complexes, who had built the structure of a cult around his pathological need for control and power. Forced divorces, obtaining confidentiality signatures from hundreds of women, weekly sexual confessions, forced baths called “ideological purification baths” [self-criticism sessions as cult jargons in the MEK ]

None of these were signs of faith, spirituality, or liberation. Rather, they were all tools for dominating people, from the inside and outside. Rajavi was a concrete example of what Gabor Maté was talking about: a person who felt empty without power and found existential meaning only in dominating others.

Mazda Parsi

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This former member of the MEK, who was present on-line at the court session in full compliance with the legal formalities, stated that the trained operations department of the Iraqi Intelligence also knew this about Rajavi. Khodabandeh continues: “Rajavi used to add something to the process that made everything fail and no one dared to say anything. Rajavi actually used to act in a way that not only the operation was not carried out but also the operator himself would be killed.”
“Rajavi wanted to fill his blood bank in this way,” Khodabande stated. “It means that the blood of people should be shed and the rest should stay and continue to fight for those who were killed.”

Based on Khodabande’s testimonies, Massoud Rajavi defined his “blood bank” like this:
“Dogs and cats also die; The person whose blood comes to this bank is important and stays; I am the banker of the blood; these bloods are collected; I take it on the table in the scene of politics and use it; What difference does it make if your blood doesn’t come to this bank? the blood of cats and dogs is shed too.”

Mizan News Agency – Translated by Nejat Society

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Talking about where Rajavi is in the MEK is prohibited. They told us that the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence is looking for this information and anyone who talks about this issue is in line with the Ministry. This issue was a “red border” and we should not have approached it. My writing about this will surely make Rajavi’s dogs rabid.

First, a memory from my childhood, which shows a part of the brainwashing of children at that time. When I was 8 years old and I was with my parents at Camp Ashraf, my mother once asked me:
My son, who do you love more, mom and dad or uncle Masoud and aunt Maryam (the Rajavi couple)? I said, “uncle and aunt”.

My mother was happy to hear this and said congratulations. In later years, when I returned to Ashraf as a teenager, she told me this memory several times and said that she was proud of me at the time. Yes, the brainwashed Zahra wanted me to like her ideologic leader more than anything else.

My first contact with Rajavi was in 1999. When I went to Ashraf and my mother said that my father died. Then she said that from now on consider Rajavi as your father and send him the gold watch [The souvenir that he had brought his father from the United States]. I did the same. A month later, when I was in the reception section of the camp, Rajavi sent me a gift in response.

A colored glass with the Koran verse engraved on it. If you know the story of Aya Kowsar, you will understand the depth of Rajavi’s deception. He tortured and killed my father and then with this verse he told me that it is okay that you lost him, instead I gave you Maryam Rajavi and her ideological revolution. Damn Rajavi!

From 1999 to 2003, I met Rajavi in several meetings. We, the new members, were allowed to kiss him several times. In this video, I had just joined Ashraf, and in a meeting, Rajavi gave all the new members an icon and put it around our necks.
The last time I saw Rajavi was in March 2001. It was the days of Ashura [a religious ceremony] and, as always, there were ideological mass meetings. It was clear that America was going to invade Iraq and Rajavi had planned to attack Iran if the war started. I will write more about the 2003 war and the relationship with America later.

The war started and after the agreement between the US and the MEK was signed, all the members were gathered at Camp Ashraf. When the war started, Rajavi disappeared. To this day, he has not shown up publicly anywhere. But in the years after the war, every year we had some meetings with Rajavi, which were held in audio or written form.

In one of these meetings, Rajavi announced, with photos and videos, the unsuccessful missile attack of the coalition forces on his headquarters and even his bed. There were many speculations and rumors about Rajavi’s whereabouts in those years. Some said that he was in a hidden place in Ashraf. Some said that he was in an Arab country.

But I have never seen any concrete evidence in this regard. I only knew that he was alive. After I left the MEK, I followed the news of the MEK for a long time. Rajavi’s meetings with members continue. Yes, the evidence suggests that he is alive. On this year’s New Year, an audio message from him was broadcast on the MEK’s TV channel.

I will not put the link here, but if you search the following sentence on YouTube, you will find the video:
“Masoud Rajavi’s Nowruz Message 1403”

It is clear from his voice that he is very old and sick. But in my opinion, yes, it is his own voice.

I wish Rajavi will be alive and one day will be tried in an international court. In my opinion, he and Mujahedin have been dead for years. Maybe not physically, but politically and socially. Today, they are a rotten cult that shakes its tail every day for this and that and buys foreign support with money. But they are definitely over.

Ray Torabi’s account on X

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“Pol Pot of Iran” is also a title that Paul Sheldon Foote, the American university professor, has always used to address Massoud Rajavi, the disappeared leader of the MEK. “During the American hostage crisis, the MEK participated and called for the executions of the Americans,” he writes. “Rajavi is anti-American, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist. His aim is to become the Pol Pot of Iran, even if the MEK must become a tool of the American government to achieve his aim.”
Why such a comparison?

Raajvi; Polpot of Iran

Rajavi vs Pol Pot

Pol Pot is notoriously known as one of the most violent dictators in the world history. Pol Pot was a Cambodian revolutionary, dictator, and politician who ruled Cambodia as Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea between 1976 and 1979. During that time, an estimated 1.5 to 2 million Cambodians died of starvation, execution, disease or overwork. One detention center, S-21, was so notorious that only seven of the roughly 20,000 people imprisoned there are known to have survived.
Massoud Rajavi founded his cult of personality on the dead bodies of thousands of civilians who were killed by his bombing teams. The most horrific acts of his cult were the operations he launched against Iraqi Kurds and Shiites and Iranian soldiers in Forough Jbvidan.

S21 vs Eskan

Let us compare the Pol Pot era in Cambodia with the rule of Massoud Rajavi’s cult of personality in Camp Ashraf, Iraq during the 1980s and the 1990s.
Around one third of the rank and file of the MEK were accused of being agents of the Iranian government and so disloyal to the group’s cause. They were imprisoned, jailed in solitary confinement, tortured and even killed under torture just because they had asked to leave the group or had dared to criticize the leader. Ghorban Ali Torabi and Parviz Ahmadi are two of the MEK victims who were killed under torture by the organization that they had been serving for years.
A large number of former members of the group have testified about the tortures they endured in the prison of Camp Ashraf called Eskan. (The violence the MEK leaders committed against their own members should be considered together with the terrorist acts against the Iranian civilians and officials.)

Family life in the MEK and in Khmer Rouge

In 1988, Massoud Rajavi ordered members to divorce their spouses under the pretext that family life and sex life would distract the rank and file from their struggle against Iran. A year later, over 700 children of the Mujahedin were separated from their parents and were smuggled to European countries, under the order of Massoud Rajavi. About 300 of these children were later dispatched back to the MEK’s camp in Iraq in their teen years. They were recruited in the MEK’s army the so-called National Liberation Army. These child soldiers were given military uniforms, arms and military trainings in order to be prepared to invade Iran.
A decade earlier, you could see the same pattern of family life in Cambodia ruled by Khmer rouge. In order to enforce loyalty to the state, the Khmer Rouge broke peoples’ ties to religion and family. All political and civil rights were abolished. Formal education ceased and from January 1977, all children from age of eight were separated from their parents and placed in labour camps, which taught them that the state was their true parents. For the Khmer Rouge, children were central to the revolution as they believed they could be easily moulded, conditioned and indoctrinated. They could be taught to obey orders, become soldiers and kill enemies. Children were taught to believe that anyone not conforming to the Khmer laws were corrupt enemies.

Forced marriage before forced divorces

According to Pol Pot’s regulations, people were not allowed to choose their own marriage partners. They could not leave their given place of work or even select the clothes that they would wear. It should be noted that the Cult of Rajavi went further to force members to marry the ideological comrade that the group had selected for them before the later ruling of Massoud Rajavi that forced members to divorce and maintain a mandatory lifelong celibacy.
No one is married in the MEK’s camp in Albania right now. The rank and file of the MEK had to were military uniforms when they were settled in Camp Ashraf Iraq. After the group’s disarmament by the US army, their clothing was still regulated by the organization.
Today, MEK female member have to wear hijab. They are not allowed to wear tight or short clothes. However, the dress code is strict for both sexes in the group. Male members are not allowed to wear shorts or T-shirts in the world of 2022!

There are definitely a large number of more common personality and behavior traits between Pol Pot and Rajavi that can be taken into consideration to prove that Rajavi is ruling a modern slavery in the heart of Europe in Albanian territory very similar to the bloody dictatorship of Pol Pot that destroyed Cambodia. It may seem bizarre but must be just believed by the world’s human rights bodies and activists.

By Mazda Parsi

The post Why do they call Rajavi, Pol Pot of Iran? appeared first on Nejat Society.

The pamphlet which is titled “Organizational Ideological Argument” is actually the abstract of thousands of manipulation sessions run by Massoud and Maryam Rajavi in Camp Bagherzadeh, Iraq in 2001. The heart-breaking memoir of these sessions are always part of the difficult experiences of every former member of MEK. All of the confirm the content of the recently published document. According to the contents of this booklet, the MEK leaders forbid any kind of dissent and criticism in their cult-like organization.

Organizational Ideological Argument

guidelines to push the dissident members to the hands of the Iranian Government or the Saddam Hussein’s Intelligence Service

Zhina and Amir, the two former child soldiers of the MEK published two pages of the document that contains a dozen of guidelines to push the dissident members to the hands of the Iranian Government or the Saddam Hussein’s Intelligence Service (Estekhbarat). The document which is dated September 2001, clearly argues that defection is forbidden:

“There is no such a person as defector. A defector who wants to leave the organization to enjoy a normal life should confess in front of the cameras. His place is not in the organization; he will be sent to Iran without cyanide capsule and arm.” This way, the MEK leaders plan to threaten their dissident members that they will certainly be arrested and executed by Iranian government and the group actually pushes them to this dark fate.
According to the document, no dissident member is allowed to go to Europe to take refuge. Instead, he or she will be handed to the then Iraqi government that was called by the MEK as the landlord.

“If we do not smuggle the defector into Iran, we will hand him to the landlord who will deal with him in accordance with their laws. Explanation: unlike European countries, Iraqi government does not deal with individuals and does not grant refuge. Iraq deals with the organization as a whole. It has accepted members based on the organization’s credit. Therefore, people who are attached with the organization are not questioned and do not have to fill out forms while arriving or leaving the country. Consequently, once the organization does not admit the responsibility of an individual, he will be treated as an illegal person.”

The content of this document is nothing new for former members of the MEK. We have already seen the testimonies of numerous defectors of the group who were victims of such a horrific punishment by the Cult of Rajavi. However, this booklet can be considered as a legal document to prove the inhumane attitude of the MEK leaders towards their own members in order to bring them to justice in a fair international trial.

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Mohamamd Nazari left for Karachi, Pakistan, where the Mojahedin had offices. From there, he went on to Baghdad a month later. He says:” I had changed a lot. I wasn’t myself anymore. My personality had been stolen from me. I could no longer think for myself. I was completely devoted to the organization and ready for terrorist actions in Iran. “ his first operations were against military targets in Iranian Kurdistan. During the period 1985-1986,the unit he commanded was in combat several times against the Iranian army. He also helped reconnoiter and map Iranian military positions, intelligence which the organization passed on to the Iraqi authorities. The former Mojahed recalls:” dressed in an Iranian Military jacket, I entered the country to scout the situation on the front. Sometimes, I captured Iranian soldiers and handed them over to the Iraqis”. In total his unit fought fifteen engagements against the Iranian Army and carried out dozens of reconnaissance operations in Iran.

In 1992, Mohammad Nazari began to realize the truth about the organization and refused to fight the Iraqi Kurds. He served 45 days in solitary confinement and his break with the organization was now complete. But, fearing for his life, he agreed to a self-criticism and rejoined the ranks. But he had one idea: plan his escape.
A little later, he asked for permission to travel to the United States, in order to visit the brother. His superiors refused to let him go. As a compromise, however they sent him to Germany, now free to travel, Mohammad Nazari went to Italy and asked for political asylum. Eleven months later, he returned to Iran, with the help of country’s embassy in Rome. Now,43, the former Mojahed says: ”I am not proud of my past. I fought for 19 years, but it was for nothing. If I have now agreed to describe my past, it is to unmask the Mojahedin Organization which stole the best years of my life and all dreams of my youth.” He adds:” Rajavi is not a Commander Massoud.

He is a Bin Laden. The afghan leader gave his life for his people. The Iranian,for his part, has not the slightest qualms about sending his men to their deaths. But he, himself, avoids touching a rifle. During all the years during which I worked side by side with him, I never knew where really lived.”

From the book: The People’s Mojahedin of Iran: A Struggle for what? “By Victor Charbonnier

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