France

French court rules against Mojahedin Khalq advocate

Mr. Yves Bonnet, former Member of French National Assembly and Director of the French Counterterrorism Agency (DST), has been fined and was ordered to pay compensation in a libel case on February 11, 2010. He was warned that further infringements would attract even more severe punishments.
French court rules against Mojahedin Khalq advocate Rajavi
The defamation case was brought by Mr. Ehsan Naraghi, Mr. Jahangir Shadanlou and Mr. Manouchehr Shalali against Mr. Yves Bonnet who had falsely accused them of being ‘agents of Iran’s Intelligence Ministry in a book titled ‘VEVAK: At the service of the Ayatollahs’. Mr. Christohpher Barge of Timaeus publishing company was also ordered to publicise the court’s decision in relation to the book.

In February 2005, a similar defamation case was won by British academic Dr. Ali Ansari. A book written by a leading member of the Mojahedin-e Khalq had described Dr. Ansari as an "ardent apologist" and a "fervent proponent" of the Iranian Government. On receiving Dr. Ansari’s complaint in court, the publisher accepted fully that there was no basis for what had been written about him and immediately offered him an apology.

The court ordered a suitable sum to be paid to an appropriate charity and for Dr. Ansari’s legal costs to be met in full.

This latest decision of the Tribunal de Grande Instance of Paris in the case against Yves Bonnet was in a similar vein. The complainants were under severe pressure by the Mojahedin-e Khalq during the hearing on 17 and 18 December 2009 as several hundred members of the group packed the building in an attempt to intimidate the complainants and witnesses.

The judgement against Yves Bonnet and his publisher is another example of the failure of Rajavi in the attempted demonization of Iranian dissidents and critics of the Mojahedin-e Khalq.

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Iraqi Authorities' stance on the MEK

Al-Ja’fari:Mojahedin should not be given refuge

Iraqi party leader Al-Ja’fari discusses government “flaws”, election issue

… He expressed understanding for “the Saudi fears regarding the situation in Iraq,” and said: “deep dialogue should be conducted with it to give it the necessary reassurances. Likewise, Iraq should not be turned into a springboard for hurting any neighbouring country and that terrorist organizations such as the Iranian Mojahedin-e Khalq or the Turkish Kurdistan Workers’ Party should not be given refuge.” …

Text of report by London-based newspaper Al-Hayat website on 4 February

[Report on an interview with Ibrahim al-Ja’fari, former Iraqi prime minister and leader of the National Reform Trend; by Uday Hatim in Baghdad. Al-Ja’fari to Al-Hayat: “I Have Reservations on the Government Performance, and Al-Hakim Sought Broad Alliances that the Coalition has not Approved”]

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Ja’fari has criticized the government performance and blamed the leader of the Iraqi Islamic Supreme Council [IISC] for his call to form broad alliances, and said that his endeavour “is a personal viewpoint that does not represent the National Coalition,” warning that “such alliances would be dependent on others as the case with the previous coalition.” Al-Ja’fari added that he does not reject the post of prime minister but he does not aspire to be in that position, emphasizing that his rejection of the Kurds’ ideas about Kirkuk had prevented the renewal of his term.

In an interview with Al-Hayat, Al-Ja’fari, who leads the National Reform Trend, which is part of the Shi’i Coalition list, said that “the Reform Trend is something in the middle between the religious extremism and the secular extremism,” pointing out that “it is not an Islamic trend but it respects religions and does not contradict them, and it absorbs all Iraqi sectors and does not favour any one against the other.”

He warned that the political process and the competition in the elections would change into a “conflict,” considering “the victims of the attacks on characters will be efficient and honest people,” and said that the elections “are important and sensitive because the people have started to be aware, even if little, of their rights and duties.”

He admitted that there is a regional and international interference in the elections, and said “the countries have fears and ambitions; therefore, they support the forces they believe are closer to achieving their interests, and this is something that takes place in all world countries,” stressing that “this is the most dangerous thing to the political process in spite of my respect for the friendly relations between the political forces and any country on condition that these relations do not change into a process of dependence and that the symbols [of Iraq] do not change into representatives of that country in Iraq.” He called on the government to “put restrictions and rules for these relations.”

He expressed hope that the Coalition list would win and receive the largest number of parliamentary seats. On the announcement by the Supreme Council, which is the largest component of the Coalition, of the names of its candidates for the post of prime minister, who are Vice President Adil Abd-al-Mahdi and Finance Minister Baqir Jabr al-Zubaydi, he said “this is something that surprised us all.”

He said that “this nomination does not represent the Coalition’s viewpoint because it has not taken place in consultation with the parties that form the alliance and it is something premature and no party should present candidates outside the Coalition framework and without agreeing on these candidates.” He ruled out the possibility of naming the chairman of the National Coalition or its candidate for the post of prime minister before the next elections, pointing out that “discussion on these two posts and the candidates for the ministries will take place after the election results are announced.” He said that “the chairmanship of the Coalition will be for a renewable of either one or two years. Even the prime minister will have his work reviewed every year with the possibility of replacing him if the Coalition decides that he has not succeeded in his task.” He added: “I do not think of the post of prime minister and I do not aspire to have it and will not take the initiative to have it, but I may accept it if I find that the people want that, and then I will carry out this task very seriously.”

He called for “patience regarding the issue of Kirkuk and not to rush in imposing a solution that may aggravate the problem. He pointed out that “the uniqueness of Kirkuk is in the diversity of its inhabitants and society; therefore, the solutions that are applied to the societies that have one ethnicity should not be applied in this city.”

On the most prominent constants he would adopt in case he is chosen as a prime minister, he said that “he is aware that Iraq in 2010 is different from that of 2005, therefore, I will work to correct the mistakes,” pointing out that “the first of his concerns will be to deal with the security situation from its roots, raise the standards of living for the citizen, upgrade the levels of services, and adopt programmes to develop the fields of industry, agriculture, oil, and trade, and tackle the crises between Iraq and the regional countries to protect the joint interests.”

Al-Ja’fari said the endeavour of Ammar al-Hakim, the Supreme Council leader, to restore the previous alliances with the Kurds and Sunnis “is the Council’s viewpoint alone and not that of the Coalition because we were surprised by what Al-Hakim said about a political front during his visit to Kurdistan.” He said, however, that “the Coalition is not against this alliance, but it does not want it to be with one bloc or quarter but with all trends and blocs, which is one of our new constants, and the Coalition wants the alliance to be made after the elections and that it should be based on equal interests and not dependency.”

He expressed reservations on “dual alliances such as the old ones that made the previous coalition dependent on others. This is one of our reservations on it because such alliances had changed into dependence,” in a hint by him to previous alliances by the Supreme Council with the two Kurdish parties and forming a four-party alliance which included the Supreme Council, Al-Da’wah Party, led by Al-Maliki, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and the Kurdistan Democratic Party, which led to the withdrawal of parties from the previous Shi’i coalition such as Al-Sadr Trend and Al-Fadilah Party.

On how he evaluates the performance of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, Al-Ja’fari said “the difficulties and circumstances that faced Al-Maliki are not few, and he paid the price of the governments that resorted to quotas because he has not chosen his ministers.” He, however, criticized the government performance and said that “the standard of services is low, and there are clear signs of flaws, remarks, and reservations on the performance. But every experience should be viewed in light of the circumstances surrounding it.” He also expressed reservations on some leaders of Al-Da’wah Party, pointing out that “the practices that took place at the party’s congress, the one before the last congress, led me to have huge reservations.” Al-Da’wah Party had chosen Al-Maliki secretary general of the party in place of Al-Ja’fari after the latter left the post of prime minister.

He added that “the security apparatuses continue to be penetrated, and this is no secret to anyone. Had it not been so, the terrorist attacks on sensitive areas in the heart of Baghdad would not have been repeated. The government has to conduct investigation with various security commanders of various ranks to diagnose the flaw.” He strongly criticized the continued use of explosives detecting devices, which he termed as “failure and defective, to the point that even the manager of the British company that manufactured them has been put under investigation as a result of these devices.”

Al-Ja’fari said “the national reconciliation has not achieved anything because the weapon is still brandished in the face of people,” and called for “starting dialogue with all those who carry weapons because the reconciliation is with the quarters that carry out armed actions for several reasons, including the presence of foreign forces or the presence of detainees with these forces. These things can be discussed and solutions can be found for them.” He said that “no one should be excluded except the one who insists on maintaining his affiliation to the Ba’th Party and who is trying to bring it back to power.” He expressed his support for the work of the Commission for Accountability and Justice, but he called for refraining from politicizing it and keeping it as a legal body that takes measures which include all.”

On relations with the neighbouring countries, he said that “there is a complex crisis in Iraq’s relations with the various neighbouring countries for which the responsibility is not only that of the government but it is shouldered by the political forces that make painful criticism of this or that country.”

He expressed understanding for “the Saudi fears regarding the situation in Iraq,” and said: “deep dialogue should be conducted with it to give it the necessary reassurances. Likewise, Iraq should not be turned into a springboard for hurting any neighbouring country and that terrorist organizations such as the Iranian Mojahedin-e Khalq or the Turkish Kurdistan Workers’ Party should not be given refuge.” He added: “I rejected the Algiers Agreement when I was on an official visit to Iran in my capacity as the prime minister. I refused to sign a memorandum of understanding that included a paragraph that refers to this agreement. My refusal led to the failure to sign any memorandum.”

Al-Hayat website, London – Translated and reported by BBC Monitoring

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Iraq

AL Motlaq, the main backer of MKO Terror group banned permanently

Iraq’s appeal panel allowed 28 banned candidates to stand in parliamentary elections.
Saleh Al_Mutlaq, disqualified for his Baathist tiesOut of 177 candidates who had submitted contests, the panel allowed the participation of 28 candidates only, spokesman for Justice and Accountability Commission Ali Mahmoud told AFP.

MPs Saleh Al Motlaq and Zafer Al Ani are not allowed in elections, Mahmoud added.

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Massoud Rajavi

Rajavi’s message, an art of collage

Rajavi’s 20 January message seems to be a turning point for Mojahedin Khalq Organization, a foreseeable message although a little late. Unlike Rajavi’s previous messages that were stereotypically repetitious claims, his new rhetoric is blusters for the third post-revolution generation who hardly know anything about him and his organization. This new step may have been taken because he had already been notified by the theoreticians of his red-movement that the Iranian third generation neither knew him nor considered any political and social weight for him. Usually turning a deaf ear to the warnings of advisers, this time it seems that he has bended his ears to advices to deliver a different message that is a turning point in accepting bitter truths. But, alas, he can never abandon the bad habit of going straight to the point and, as usual, he first brags the highness of his status and then holds onto rhetoric to justify his thirty-year long absence from Iran’s political arena. But, as he always feels others are indebted to him and he has no spare time to waste on inconsequential questions, he prefers to engage in polemics concerning Iranian future.

But he still fails to be relieved of the phantom that the generation he is addressing has never troubled its mind about him and his organization as the former believes the latter are a piece of Iran’s past history. Only some acquainted with the stalemates and crises the organization has recently encountered can realize what is bothering Rajavi at the present. He has been under the direct attack and criticism of the insiders and the outsiders as well as other opposition from among the ultra-left to the ultra-right. Undesirable consequences being inevitable, he is preempting to deter challenges that can further mire him and his organization. As a result, once you hear him claiming to be the instigating engine of Iran’s post-election riots, while he complains of being politically stagnated and does not hesitate to swear that terrorist tag is an attached stigma to smear the organization. But he can never deny that he is still ideologically loyal to Marx when he says:

The important point is that Marx remarks that ‘the philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it’. Of course, Marx has deduced this necessity from social evolution and the historical dialectic. However, it draws us near to the conception of ‘man’s responsibility’. I have no access to texts now but if my mind helps me remind forty years ago, this is the core of Che’ Guevara’s analysis of Marx when he said ‘this is the very same point where the pens have to put down to pick up rifles to change the world’.

That is what Rajavi and all those defected members, whom he calls deserters and the agents of the Islamic Republic, have done in a thirty year-long armed struggle- grabbing guns rather than pens and peaceful campaign. On the one hand he claims to have received letters and questions from inside Iran through a variety of means and routes, on the other hand he forgets all he has said so far by stating “I tell you to know that what the regime has all these years published and distributed in its prisons and its-controlled organs under the name of Mojahedin are untrustworthy. They are either fabricated or distorted to achieve the intended goals and to instill what they want”.

In spite of Rajavi’s exploitation of all social and political schools of thought to convince the third generation they have been deprived of such a great personality and the source of secret knowledge, that is himself, his message is a mixture of ambiguities delivered from a nowhere. A message from a so-called leader whose whereabouts are unknown for those who he calls to recognize, appreciate and follow. It is neither similar to a political statement nor an organizational pronouncement and nor is it in any way a political-ideological pamphlet of instruction. It is much similar to a collage and he is like a collagist who has stuck different pieces of subjects each with a different definition and color together. It is clear that the message has emerged out of a confused mind that is itself escaping from the reality that it had to accept long ago. Anyone looking at Rajavi’s work of collage can easily discern a depicted picture of Rajavi’s betrayal, violence and egocentric ambitions recorded in the history.

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Iraq

Mojahedin-e Khalq Face Criminal Charges in Iraq

Iraq’s Judiciary is to press ahead on a series of criminal and civil charges collated over the past year against the terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq (MKO) and its members. The charges relate to various issues and cover over two decades of MKO presence in Iraq.
Mojahedin-e Khalq Face Criminal Charges in Iraq
Farm land confiscated by Saddam Hussein’s regime has been used by the MKO for its headquarters for twenty three years under the name Camp Ashraf. Land owners are now able to claim compensation for their stolen land.

Thirty seven arrest warrants have been issued against individual members for their involvement in suppressing the 1991 Shabani uprising in Kurdistan. International arrest warrants have been issued for some individuals. Civil law suits for murder have also been brought against members of the MKO in Tuz Khormato pertaining to the same period.

Civil suits have been brought by a family who accuse the Mojahedin organisation of killing their son during an Iraqi security operation to open a police station inside Camp Ashraf in July 2009. A former resident of the camp has also filed a civil suit claiming the organisation violated his human rights.

The Court will look into charges that the residents of the MKO’s camp still maintain military status and continue to wear military uniform. In July 2009 during the Iraqi takeover of the camp, weapons and military equipment were confiscated even though the American military had purportedly disarmed the group in 2003. Unregistered military vehicles from the former Iraqi Army were found at the camp and identified as having been illegally seized by the MKO. A military parade held at the camp in February 2008 is also deemed to have been illegal by the Iraqi authorities.

The MKO is accused of hosting meetings and conferences for political parties inside their camp. Former residents at Camp Ashraf have identified such participants as supporters of the former Baath regime of Saddam Hussein and other insurgent groups, including Al Qaida in Iraq.

Further complaints which will be investigated by the Court include unwarranted resistance by the MKO to the Government of Iraq’s plan to transfer camp residents to another camp inside Iraqi territory; a move that is supported by the ICRC.

The question of what to do with residents who have seceded from the MKO and escaped from the camp will also be addressed. Some of these individuals are still being cared for by the Iraqi Government. Several families of the residents at Camp Ashraf have asked the court to assist in freeing their relatives from the control of the MKO.

For further information contact Iran-Interlink.

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Massoud Rajavi

Paranoid delusions, Rajavi’s adopted solution

What is of great significance in Rajavi’s 20 January message that seems to be continued for some time is his paranoid delusions. Going through Iran’s past thirty-year history by weaving together distortions and misreports that may only emit from a paranoid mind, he is trying to put the blame of all ideological, political and strategic failures of all these years on external intrigues against his organization. Such fabrications seem to be the most influential and simple way of finding excuses to justify all his errors, defectRajavi’s paranoid delusions is rooted in megalomania, his sense of inferiority and his attempt to escape from reality.s and failures. To find out the reasons for adopting such hypocritically untrustworthy approach, it has to be studied from different aspects.

Somebody who suffers from megalomania, as the illness is associated with a narcissistic personality disorder that strongly influences one’s mental and physical functions, feels he is under constant judgment of others. As he views himself as more important than he is and has an unrealistic belief in his superiority, he is under delusion that he is engaged in a constant conflict with adversaries who are supposed to have formed a united front for his demise. He has the misconception that the world is against him and is cynical about whatever happens in the world as a plot against him. He views himself as morally superior with the willingness to sacrifice, kill, or risk the safety of others considered inferior in order to assert his own agendas while absolutely disregards legitimate circumstances in which he must submit to legitimate measures. As he feels superior, he hallucinates a big gap distancing him from others who seek to fill the gap by non-ceasing conspiracy and collusion. He feels that others are jealous of him and that he is infallible of any mistake and error; he blames and accuses others for whatever failure and stalemate and feels a need for continuous praise for any, although unreasonable to many, achieved goals. He feels deeply wounded by any type of criticism and maybe what has caused Don Quixote to survive through the ages is his repeated boasts of strength and courage adhered to by a megalomaniac who is juxtaposed with Don Quixote.

A sense of inferiority is another face of the megalomania coin that motivates one’s paranoid delusions. If the sense of inferiority fails to juxtapose with the reality, the outcome will be a mental complex that makes one to begrudge what others have and he has failed to achieve for some reasons or has been deprived of as a result of dogmatic conceptions. Such a man when faces a situation to defend or, in contrast, to attack resorts to justifications and becomes a prey a delusion that all those around him are his enemies. The main cause of paranoia is a sense of inferiority that may be caused by a variety of condition such as failure, disgust, sense of guilt and in this delusion, people of an aggressive temperament often jeopardize the security of the society they live in.

Escape from reality can also develop a delusion that all around one are engaged in conspiracy against him. He never seeks the roots of his problems in realities; in contrast he makes his best not to open his eyes on the reality and prefers to continue his quest for reliable and scientific causes in a world of fantasy and illusion. But he, as an example of the age of wisdom and science, is likened surprisingly to the very same prehistoric men who had hardly any notion of reality; as, for instance, they knew nothing about the origin of such a blessing like the rain, they had come to believe that it omened a cabal of visible and invisible enemies. The difference lies in the fact that some people of the modern age know the realities but prefer to escape from them and accuse the illusionary enemies to justify their flaws and failures.

The fact is that Rajavi’s paranoid delusions is rooted in megalomania, his sense of inferiority and his attempt to escape from reality. His approach to put the blame on illusionary enemies for being stagnated in political, strategic and ideological backwater has turned to be a tactic to find an outlet to escape the crises and stalemates. In no way it is intended to disapprove the Islamic Republic of Iran as Rajavi’s illusionary enemy but the fact that Rjavi attributes any event and encountered crisis to the Iranian regime is a matter of consideration. When it comes to talk about the dossier of 17 June and the French governments issued arrest warrant for Maryam Rajavi on terrorist charges, the organization refers to it as a “result of political appeasement between the Iranian regime and France”. In relation to its collaboration with the ousted Iraqi dictator, it calls it the regime’s propaganda artifice and “media fabrications against the Liberation Army and the National Council of Resistance”. Concerning its ideological revolution and forced divorces, again it calls it an act of “censorship, fabrications and bruit by the regime”. When asking about the disclosures made by the defected members, it just accuses the regime’s Ministry of Information and labels the defected as “the infiltrated agent”. To acquit itself of the terrorist charges it quotes Struan Stevenson, MEP, saying “Once some officials from the UK Ministery of Foreign Affairs came to me asking to stop baking MKO. They insisted to have access to sound evidences that proved it was a terrorist group. When I asked to see them, they refused saying they were confidential. Now, in the course of the UK Court of Appeal the judges have ruled publication of the evidences which I read just to find that they were nothing but fabrication woven by the regime’s Ministery of Information and its run media”.

Suppression and killing of the Iraqi Kurds? Of course, “the scenes of Kurds and Shi’its massacre are entirely blatant fabrications conceived by the regime’s paid agents talking as the defected members of the National Council of Resistance”. A question may form in one’s mind that, then, the organization has done nothing wrong so far. But it answers, “we does not mean to say we have made no error, but, frankly speaking, not all the questions have to be necessarily furnished by correct answers and they must not be publicized for information and security and political concerns especially when they concern a political movement that is under frequent blows”.

Rajavi’s organizational worldview compels him to see the silhouette of an imaginary enemy just in attacking position. Although it originates from an ill mind, however, it is a working excuse to escape from reality, to leave questions unanswered, to ward off threats, to be acquitted of any charges and more. It is Rajavi’s adopted strategy not only for present but for some forethought and preparation that is necessary for the achievement of future plans.

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Iraqi Authorities' stance on the MEK

Iraqi Deputy FM:MKO hated even under Saddam

Iraqi deputy foreign minister met Habilian Association secretary general Friday in Mashhad.

Dr. Muhammad Hajj Hamoud and Seyyed Mohammad Javad Hasheminejad talked about bilateral issues, including expelling terrorist groups from Iraq, Habilian Association (families of Iranian terror victims) news website reported.

Hajj Hamoud hoped that the cult will be expelled from Iraq as soon as possible

“The presence of terrorists, including the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO), in Iraq is sadly hurting the peace and stability in the country and will make matters worse,” Hasheminejad said.

Iraqi deputy foreign minister met Habilian Association secretary general Friday in Mashhad

He also appreciated the Iraqi nation’s stance and the government’s efforts to expel the terrorist group.

“In addition to assassinating more than 12000 Iranian people, the MKO has killed more than 25000 Iraqis in the last 20 years,” Habilian Association SG added.

Hasheminejad also handed the Iraqi senior deputy foreign minister documents on the MKO’s crimes in Iraq.

“The MKO has been hated even under Saddam Hussein and we consider it as a terrorist group,” Muhammad Hajj Hamoud insisted.

“The Iraqi government has decided to relocate the terrorist cult to a southern region and this is a step to expel it,” he added.

Hajj Hamoud hoped that the cult will be expelled from Iraq as soon as possible.

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Mujahedin Khalq 's Function

MKO begs Iraqis’ help to stay in the country

The anti-Iran terrorist Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO) has recently made futile attempts to make Iraqi people help the cult to stay in the country, an Iraqi youth revealed.MKO has recently made futile attempts to make Iraqi people help the cult to stay in the country

“An unknown user asked me to contact Iraqi as well as American officials to ask them let the MKO stay in Iraq,” an Iraqi member of an Arab discussion forum told Habilian Association (families of Iranian terror victims) news website.

“With a username different from my real name, I chatted to a user called Mustafa who admired the MKO and attacked the Islamic Republic of Iran sharply,” he said.

“I was surprised as he called me by my real name, though I appeared with a nickname on the forum,” he added.

“After a while, Mustafa asked me to write to and call Iraqi and American officials to express my support of the MKO and my willingness as an Iraqi to keep the cult in the country. He gave me their phone numbers and email addresses,” the Iraqi user said.

“We will deliver your letters to the UN ambassador to Iraq, commander of the US forces in Iraq General Raymond Odierno, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, VP Tariq Al-Hashimi, Parliament Speaker Ayad Al-Samarrai, FM Hoshyar Zebari and President of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region Masoud Barzani,” he quoted Mustafa as saying.

“Mustafa asked me to call Ayad Allawi, Tariq Al-Hashimi and Ayad Al-Samarrai to ask them to stand by the MKO. He also wanted to have a copy of my emails to the officials,” he added.

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The Ideology of the MEK

MKO; Ideology Vs Ideology

An ideology is a set of aims and ideas that directs one’s goals, expectations, and actions. Many political parties base their political action on an ideology. In social studies, a political ideology is a certain ethical set of ideals, principles, doctrines, myths or symbols of a social movement, institution, class and or large group that explains how society should work, and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain social order.

There are two available types of ideology: open and closed. When a political party accepts and interprets and possibly adopts change it symbolizes an open ideology. When they represent a closed ideology, they do not accept any change. The majority of ideologies in the history were closed and consequently dangerous. For instance Stalin era stands for the crimes committed under the name of ideology.

Proud of their ideology and dedicated to their ideological revolutions, MEK (Mujahedin-e-Khalq ) leaders represent the most recent version of a criminal closed ideology believers who view their dissidents as victims who should be eliminated . They never see their opponents as a minority that they can tolerate or deal with moderately. Such an ideological system just archives a black list of criminal activities as its background.

A fanatical formalistic belief in their ideology has led MEK to a complicated classified system where no human being is allowed to build his world with his own dynamic analytic thought.

Instead of portraying saint figures for Masud and Maryam Rajavi and staying in some special fixed forms, MEK should respect common values like freedom, justice, honor, honesty, friendship and love … That’s what that can make an ideology universal.

As the MEK see the world from behind its own glasses made of some fixed configurations and formulations, they can never see the reality of the affairs from different aspects. This is what leads them to dogmatism. The absolute power of the Rajavis is the outcome of such a view in their cult-like organization.

The absolute power has made the Rajavis to grant an undemocratic right to themselves. They view themselves higher than everyone so they decide for others’ fate. They impose their monarchy on their followers and that is why their ideology ends with totalitarianism.

By Mazda Parsi

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Duplicity of the MEK nature

How MKO raise funds?

Following the disastrous earthquake in Haiti, Maryam Rajavi, self-assigned president of National Council of Resistance, offered her condolences to the people of Haiti. The message included a further command for MKO members which were to make use of the opportunity for fundraising activities for the organization.
Working in groups and under the cover of humanitarian organizations and charity institutions they published some pictures of war-worn, orphan and homeless children to encourage people to help them.
Just a few days after Haiti disaster Swedish government published a list of institutes that had been considered as fraudulent because they lack the special account number the government had allocated to charity organizations.

The government of Sweden warned people about the deceitful nature of such organizations including a front organization linked to Mujahedin-e-Khalq under the name of Mojahedin Sympatisör Förening – MSF

The terrorist cult of MKO has a dark background of fraudulent fundraising campaign and money laundry. In 1998 the charity Commission of Britain closed the Iran Aid Charity Association because it could not prove that the funds were being used for the purpose for which they were raised.

The Bam earthquake charity event held in January 2005 demonstrated how MKO use their front organizations to raise funds for their own and their cause not for the poor survivors of the disaster. On January 26, 2005, the Iranian – American Community of Northern Virginia hosted a charity event in Washington DC to allegedly raise money for the survivors of Bam disaster, to support the so-called Iranian Resistance. Anyone to attend the event was supposed to charge 35$. Of the 23 organizations listed as sponsors of the event,17 are known MKO front groups or linked to prominent MKO members or activities, according to Sam Dealay who wrote in an article titled “Terrorists plan DC fundraiser”, on Jan.21,2005.

FBI agents were present at the event and two days after the event was held, the Treasury Department froze the assets of the Iranian-American Community of Northern Virginia, said Glenn Kessler in Washington Post on January 29th, 2005.

In May, 2009, Los Angeles Times published a report on an appeal court held to try seven MKO members who were guilty to raising funds for the group. In court the defendants admitted that they knowingly raised funds to support the activities of Mujahedin-e-Khalq, or MEK, by collecting money from MEK supporters and soliciting money from unwitting donors at public locations, including the airport, the report read. Donors were told they were supporting a charity called the Committee for Human Rights. The fundraising activities took place from 1997 to February 2001, the report quoted the authorities.

Working in groups and under the cover of humanitarian organizations and charity institutions they published some pictures of war-worn, orphan and homeless children to encourage people to help them. This invoked the reaction of security forces of France. In an effort to fight against money laundry, Maryam Rajavi was arrested along with some other officials of the group in June 2003.

In the fall of 2008, Reuters reported that about ten members of “a banned Iranian opposition group were arrested in France and Switzerland in connection with a money-laundry investigation”

Money laundry is a customary operational technique among criminal gangs and terrorist organizations. Using charity institutes they solicit people to donate funds. This way they could raise large sums of money. In June 2003, when the French Police attacked Mujahedin’s headquarters in Ouver Sur d’Oise ,Paris, they discovered about nine million dollars which were found in the MKO offices that were “operational, organizational and logistic bases for collecting suspicious money” said Jean Louis Bruguière, French antiterrorism judge, in charge of MKO file.

By Mazda Parsi

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