This distinctive rhetorical style is deeply rooted in the group’s ideological evolution, which merged Marxist-Leninist dialectics with a radicalized, Shia Islamist complex. Over decades of isolation, first in Iraqi military camps under Saddam Hussein and later in closed compounds in Albania, this ideology curdled into a highly insular worldview. Within this framework, there is no room for critique; anyone who questions the leadership of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi is met not with intellectual debate, but with systematic character assassination.

Ideological Roots of the MEK’s Polemical Literature

To understand the harshness of the MEK’s literature when attacking critics, one must examine its foundational ideology. Founded in 1965 by leftist Iranian students, the MEK blended Marxist social analysis with Islam. This ideological synthesis created a binary worldview: the world was divided strictly into the forces of revolutionary progress (the MEK) and the forces of imperialism.

In his comprehensive book on the MEK’s history, titled “The Iranian Mojahedin”, historian Ervand Abrahamian explains that When the group fell out with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s governmet after the 1979 revolution and was forced into exile, this binary worldview intensified. The MEK began to view itself as the sole legitimate representative of the Iranian people. Consequently, any critic of the group was not merely expressing a differing political opinion; according to the MEK, critics were actively impeding the revolution and serving the interests of the Islamic Republic.

Academic analyses of the MEK’s texts show that this ideological rigidity manifests as a linguistic style that leaves no room for gray areas. Critics are routinely described using highly charged religious and political epithets designed to dehumanize them and strip them of political legitimacy.

Rhetorical Tropes and Vocabulary Used Against Critics

Scholars and journalists who have studied the MEK’s Persian-language publications (such as its journal Mojahed) and its various online outlets note several recurring linguistic tropes used to discredit opponents:

1. The “Regime Agent” and “Infiltrator” Label

The most common accusation leveled against any critic—whether they are Western journalists, academic researchers, or Iranian human rights activists—is that they are paid agents or spies of the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence. In MEK literature, critics are rarely addressed by their arguments; instead, they are labeled as “mozdur” (mercenary), “vabasteh” (dependent/affiliated), or “nokhaleh” (scum/infiltrator). By framing every critique as a psychological operation directed by Tehran, the MEK attempts to bypass the substance of the criticism entirely.

2. Dehumanizing and Class-Based Epithets

The MEK’s polemical literature frequently lapses into language that observers describe as vulgar or low-class. Critics and defectors are often referred to using derogatory terms such as “kha’en” (traitor), “khofash” (bat—implying they fear the light of the MEK’s truth), “kaseh-lis” (bowl-licker/sycophant), and “gorg” (wolf). This harsh, street-level vocabulary contrasts sharply with the diplomatic, human-rights-focused language the group’s political vitrine, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), uses in English-language press releases directed at Western governments.

3. Sexualized and Moral Character Assassination

For defectors (referred to in MEK literature as borideh, meaning “the severed ones”), the attacks are highly personalized and frequently target their moral and sexual integrity. In his book The Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization: A Sociological Study of a Cult, sociologist Saeed Paivandi points out that the MEK relies on public shaming to maintain internal discipline and discredit those who leave. Defectors who speak out about human rights abuses inside the organization are routinely accused in MEK literature of being morally corrupt, sexually deviant, or financially motivated by the Iranian government. This literature seeks to completely destroy the critic’s social standing within the Iranian diaspora.

The Language of Internal “Self-Criticism” and Public Denunciation

The aggressive tone directed at external critics is a direct reflection of the linguistic violence practiced within the organization. Former members of the MEK have documented the existence of mandatory daily and weekly “cleansing” or “self-criticism” sessions (known as Ghosl-e Haftegi or Weekly Bath).

In these sessions, members are forced to write down and publicly read their private thoughts, sexual desires, and doubts about the leadership. If a member’s self-criticism is deemed insufficient, other members are encouraged to shout insults, spit, and use highly abusive language to break down their psychological resistance. The vocabulary of these internal sessions—which includes terms of intense self-loathing and submission—directly bleeds into the public literature the group produces to attack external opponents. When a member defects and becomes a critic, the private confessions extracted during these internal sessions are often weaponized and published in MEK literature to paint the defector as unstable, untrustworthy, and weak.

Contrast Between Persian and English Literature

A striking feature of the MEK’s literary output is the dual nature of its rhetoric, which varies wildly depending on the target audience:

The External/Western Face: In English, French, and German publications, the NCRI and MEK employ the language of modern liberal democracy. They speak of “universal suffrage,” “gender equality,” “the abolition of the death penalty,” and “peaceful coexistence.”

The Internal/Persian Face: In Persian-language broadcasts, internal pamphlets, and sectarian websites, the language remains deeply authoritarian, aggressive, and abusive. Critics are subjected to relentless polemical attacks, characterized by conspiracy theories and vitriolic denunciations.

This linguistic dichotomy has led many analysts and foreign policy experts to warn that the MEK’s democratic rhetoric is merely a tactical facade designed to win political backing in Washington and Brussels, while its authentic internal culture remains deeply intolerant of dissent.

Mazda Parsi

References:

1. Abrahamian, Ervand. The Iranian Mojahedin.
2. Banisadr, Masoud. Masoud: Memoirs of an Iranian Rebel.
3. Paivandi, Saeed. The Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization: A Sociological Study of a Cult.
4. Singleton, Anne. Saddam’s Private Army: How Joint US-Iraqi Operations Created a Volunteer Terrorist Force.
5. Berman, Ilan. Making Sense of the MEK. American Foreign Policy Council.
6. Masters, Jonathan. Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK). Council on Foreign Relations.

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Pluralistic democracy is, by definition, a political system in which there is more than one center of power. Modern democracies are pluralistic by definition because democratic systems allow freedom of associations and parties. But the half-century history of the MEK’s activities has shown that there is only one center of power in the group, and that is Massoud Rajavi, who is at the top of the organizational pyramid, followed by Maryam Rajavi and then some higher-ranking members of the group’s hierarchy.

Establishing justice in a society is not possible without deepening democracy, and in an organization like the MEK, which is run hierarchically, democracy is sacrificed first and then justice is gone. Discrimination is one of the definitive consequences of such a structure. Although the MEK, with its uniformed forces and the use of titles such as “Sister Mujahed” and “Brother Mujahed,” tries to hide its structural injustices, members who have left the group have repeatedly testified about the severe inequalities between the higher-ranking members and commanders of the group compared to the lower-ranking members and subordinate forces.

Aylin Moghadam, a former member of the MEK, was a child soldier who served the MEK for many years. In her posts on her X social media account, she writes about the extreme injustices and the discriminating system of access to facilities in Rajavi’s cult:

The authorities of the MEK eat well, but the rest of the ranks eat beef. Mehdi Abrishamchi and his daughter Ashraf Abrishamchi have natural fruit juice for breakfast. Of course, high-ranking officials like Faezeh Ranjkar, Sedigheh Hosseini, and Zohreh Akhiani all have special diets and are never the subject of any criticism session. And whether in Ashraf Iraq or Ashraf 3, they always stay in air-conditioned rooms, but the rest have air conditioning for just a few hours of the day and are mostly in the sun and in the heat, with terrible nutrition and $8 a month, the equivalent of Albanian money, with which they really can’t buy anything.

But in the wallets of the commanders there is at least a thousand dollars in cash. I said at least. In the wallets of people like Fahimeh Arvani there is even three thousand dollars in cash apart from credit cards. It is up to you!

 In addition, having a phone is free for the leadership council and high-ranking brothers, but it is forbidden for low-ranking forces!!

From these few lines written by Aylin, we can see that inequality in the MEK dominates all aspects of its members’ lives. As can be seen from the memories of other former members, this injustice in terms of nutrition, medical treatment, use of urban facilities, and enjoyment of entertainment has created a deep class gap between high-ranking and low-ranking members.

Also, in terms of enduring psychological pressure and organizational coercion, low-ranking members are greater and more numerous victims. In the pluralistic democracy claimed by the MEK, the number of underprivileged individuals is much greater than that of the well-off commanders and leaders.

Mazda Parsi

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In the midst of this, we were once again called to a grand meeting in the large hall.

The leader stepped onto the stage with heavy, determined steps. On either side of the stairs stood armed guards, motionless as statues. Further back, like a second wall, stood additional bodyguards. The security was massive, suffocating.

He stopped in the middle of the stage. His gaze swept over us.

The hall was filled – a sea of ​​green uniforms, broken by perfect, symmetrical blocks of red from the women’s headscarves. Everything was orderly. Controlled. Almost militarily beautiful. And completely lifeless.

He opened his mouth: “As part of Maryam’s ideological revolution, I have a gift for all of you…”

A gift. The word echoed strangely in my head.

“You have given me everything. But you have kept the most personal. Something that has prevented you from fully uniting with me and the struggle. Your sexual fantasies.”

He paused.

“From now on, we will introduce the weekly ablution. You will write down every private, every sexual thought you have during the week. And at the end of the week, you will read it out loud to others. The other members will attack your dirty thoughts… and you will be purified.”

Silence. Not an ordinary silence – but a total, suffocating stillness. Ten thousand people in the same room… and yet there was barely a breath. It felt as if time had stopped. As if the air had frozen. A pin could have been heard to drop.

How is this a gift?

Thoughts raced through my mind. This was not a gift. It was a demand. A demand for the last thing that was mine.

We had already lost everything – our lives, our choices, our relationships. We had no contact with the opposite sex. But thoughts… Thoughts were the last thing anyone could take away from us.

I thought.

Now they too would be gone. What is left of a self when even your innermost thoughts belong to someone else?

Maybe that was exactly the point. To wipe out the self. To replace it with something else. Something that fit into their world.

That was exactly what they had taught us about the ideological revolution.

I remembered the videotapes from the late 80s. Our parents had been in these meetings. We were children then. In the films, the leader spoke with a different voice – softer, almost convincing. He spoke of sacrifice.

How they had left everything behind: their lives in Iran, their careers, their lives in the West. But he also said they hadn’t sacrificed everything.

“Why fight halfheartedly?” he asked. “Why not take the final step?” He put his hand in his pocket. “You’re hiding something from me.”

He took out a pack of cigarettes and a lighter and placed them on the table. “What do you have in your pockets that you don’t want to give up?”

The private. The hidden. What was still theirs. “Give it to me.” Then it was about spouses and children.

Now, almost fifteen years later, that wasn’t enough anymore. Now even the thoughts would go away.

Fear crept into my body in a way I had never felt before. Not even the missile attacks had scared me this much. The air was electric. Tense to the point of breaking. As if a single spark could blow everything up.

Why did everyone react like this? And why… didn’t I feel anything?

Women in the MEK: Trapped, tortured, and silenced

Brainwashed by Brother Massoud

A young man pushed his way forward. I recognized him immediately. Reza Chavoshi. The MEK’s kid from Germany. The one who used to listen to Ice Cube and gangster rap.

Now he stood there with a wild look and shouted: “Thank you, Brother Massoud! You have freed us from our inner devil! I was the devil!”

I stared at him. What the hell…? How could he change so completely?

It was as if all these people had been missing something. A final piece of the puzzle. A key.

And now the leader had given it to them. And their reactions exploded.

One by one, those who had been sitting still stood up. They lined up. The lines wound all the way to the back of the hall.

Finally, I saw it. I was the only one left sitting. Either they really believed this. Or they didn’t dare do otherwise. But I couldn’t get up. I couldn’t. How could I, at seventeen, feel that something was wrong?

while an elderly man from the United States – a man who had lived in a democratic society, had received an education, lived with freedom – stood there shouting that he had been freed from his “invisible shackles”?

One by one they came forward and thanked him.

Psychological pressure by Massoud’s devotees

Then a short, gray-haired man came up to the microphone. His name was also Massoud. He had lived in London. His voice trembled: “I’m sorry, brother Massoud… but I don’t think I can handle this…”

He couldn’t take it anymore. A roar erupted. Protests. Loud, aggressive. Growing. Then, as if on command, the entire hall began to shout: “Gomsho Pasdar! Gomsho Pasdar!” [in persain] meaning: “Go to hell, you Revolutionary Guard!”

Ten thousand voices. Like a wave.

The gray-haired man covered his ears. He collapsed. Started to cry.

I had seen people attacked in smaller meetings before. But this… This was something completely different. It was brutal. Crushing. And even though I wasn’t the target… I could feel the pressure. The psychological weight.

The leader paced back and forth on the stage. He smiled. He looked at the man. Then he said, almost calmly: “I’m not saying anything. It’s the congregation that takes a stand against you. And the congregation is always right.”

Amir Yaghmai

Taken from Amir Yaghmai’s X account, Translated by Nejat Society Website

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The event was attended by guests from different walks of Albanian community, including artists, academics, students, civil servants and journalists, who together discussed the issues presented.

The participants, honoring the values ​​of this day, examined the human rights situation within the Mujahedin Organization camp and, through the presentation of concrete evidence and experiences, engaged in shedding light on these issues.

The Seminar began with the speech of Ella Deda, who presented the objectives of the seminar and the importance of addressing human rights issues.

Hassan Shahbaz MEK defector at World Workers’ Day Seminar

Nejat Albania’s Seminar on World Workers’ Day

Afterwards, a video was shown to the audience that addressed the importance and philosophy of International Workers’ Day as well as the place of workers’ rights in contemporary societies.

Next, Hasan Shahbaz, one of the defectors from the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO/ MEK), sharing his personal experiences, explained the conditions inside the MEK’s camp and the restrictions imposed on members.

After him, Aldo Sollulari, President of the Nejat Society Albania, emphasizing the necessity of supporting the rights of individuals, underlined the continuation of efforts to raise awareness on the issue.

At the end of the seminar, a question-and-answer session was held, during which the attendees presented their views and questions, and thus, constructive discussions took place.

May 1^st, 2026, Nejat Society Albania

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Maryam Rajavi’s presence in the European Parliament playing the part of a defender of human rights was a disgraceful and contradictory performance that drew criticism from many Iranians around the world.

Maryam Rajavi, as a person who is severe suppresser of critic and dissent in her organizational structure, caused shame and scandal to certain officials of the European Parliament on April 22 by being received at one of the halls of this institution in Brussels.

In response to such a scandal, some former members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) expressed their anger at this move by the European Parliament, condemned it, and published some of their memories on social networks, testifying about the gross violations of human rights in the MEK’s cult-like structure.

A defector of the group, Reza Gooran while condemning the European Parliament’s action, referred to the psychological repression of dissident members of the group. He cited from Massoud Rajavi the disappeared husband of Maryam Rajavi that “a dissident member deserves death sentence, but we don’t have a death sentence because we are in Iraq”.

This former member of the Cult of Rajavi, who himself experienced imprisonment and torture in Camp Ashraf, Iraq, also testified that “the cult’s torturers murdered a protester and critic who was a prisoner in the Ashraf Camp torture chamber.”

Some other Iranian users of social networks sent letters to the European Parliament, making the authorities aware of their reprehensible behavior in accepting the leader of a terrorist group with a long history of violence, terror, betrayal and sectarianism.

One of the letters from Iranian users addressed to the European Parliament, which is being circulated on social media, is as follows:

Subject: You invite Maryam Rajavi – Are you endorsing a terrorist cult?

To: Members of the European Parliament

Dear Members of the European Parliament,

On April 22, 2026, you invited Maryam Rajavi, the leader of the MEK (Mujahedin-e-Khalq), to speak in your parliament. You applauded her.

Let me ask you directly:

Do you actually support what she represents?

Because her organization has a documented history of:

Killing over 17,000 innocent Iranian civilians including a 3‑year‑old girl.

Fighting alongside Saddam Hussein during the Iran–Iraq war – the same Saddam you later condemned for genocide

Murdering 25,000 Iraqi

Kurds and Shias in 1991.

Running a cult (not a political group) – with forced divorces, brainwashing, and documented sexual exploitation of women by Masoud Rajavi, her husband.

Yet you invite her. Give her a stage. Applaud her.

So my question is simple

Are you thinking exactly like her? Are you her supporter?

Or did you simply not care to check the crimes behind the applause?

I used to believe the European Parliament stood for human rights.

Now I see for you, some murderers are acceptable as long as they are useful.

Shame on this double standard.

Sincerely,

A citizen who still remembers what human rights actually mean

In all the years that the Nejat Society and many other human rights organizations have been trying to shed light on the terrorist nature of the MEK and the human rights violations within this organization, the number of documents and evidence available in the global information space has increased day by day.

Despite all the accusations that the Rajavis have made against the whistleblowers, they still reveal that whenever MEK members refused to continue cooperating with the group and asked to leave it, they were subjected to physical attacks, humiliation, threats, and peer pressure at the instigation of commanders, mostly led by Massoud Rajavi. In these situations, the victims are subjected to severe verbal and physical abuse

Maryam Rajavi’s pro-democracy gesture is in complete contrast to the violent and ruthless actions of her five decades of organizational activity. Her presence in the European Parliament means using the issue of executions and human rights violations as a tool for political purposes. We cannot claim freedom, democracy, and the defense of the rights of the Iranian people and turn a blind eye to the behavior of Maryam and Massoud Rajavi against their fellow Iranians.

Mazda Parsi

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During Saddam Hussein’s rule, some Iranian Kurdish families resided in the Ramadi Camp in Iraq primarily due to the Iran-Iraq War and the subsequent unrest in Kurdistan, which led to their forced replacement across the border into Iraq. The Baathist government of Iraq relocated these Iranian Kurds to a camp in Ramadi, west of Baghdad in 1981. The location was specifically called Tash, a camp near the city of Ramadi.

MEK recruited forces from refugee camps

The MEK used to recruit forces from within the residents of Camp Tash, in particular from families suffering from poor life and economic conditions. They faced numerous interconnected challenges affecting them and their children’s health, education, housing, and overall well-being. Camp Tash housed Iranian Kurdish refugees until its closure. Due to a deteriorating security situation, including water shortages and violence, the camp’s population was relocated to safer areas in northern Iraq, particularly near Sulaymaniyah, in the mid-2000s.

Mahvash Sepehri a torturer of the MKO

Due to the harsh living conditions, lack of facilities, and uncertain future, refugee camps could have been a suitable breeding ground for groups such as the MEK. Individuals in these camps, especially young people and teenagers, may have been looking for a way to improve their situation or to find a purpose in life.

Mehri Aligholi

The MEK’s need for forces

The MEK attempted to recruit Iranian refugees in Iraq using propaganda and promises such as fighting for Iran’s freedom, a better life, and social status. These promises could have appealed to vulnerable families and young people in the camps. Farman and his sisters, Shokrieh and Sabrieh were among these victims.
During and after the Iran-Iraq War, the MEK, which was based in Iraq, sought to recruit forces to strengthen its military and political organization. Iranian refugees in Iraq, including the residents of the small city of Ramadi, were considered a potential source of recruitment.
There are numerous reports, documents, and testimonies that indicate MEK’s recruitments from among Iranian refugees in Iraq. Farman, Shokrieh and Sabrieh were recruited as child soldiers of the MEK’s so-called National Liberation Army (NLA).

Who was Farman Shafabin?

At least three former members of the MEK, Siamk Naderi, Mirbagher Sedaghi, and Maryam Sanjabi recounted the heart-breaking story of Farman Shafabin who joined the MEK in 1997 from Camp Tash.

Farman Shafabin was a young man without knowledge of the history and nature of the Cult of Rajavi, and thought that he could leave the group whenever he changed his mind. After a year or so, when he realized that the group has no exit door, he asked to leave, but like other ill-fated members who faced great hardship when they asked to leave, he was met with a flood of insults and slander. He was labeled as “traitor” by the MEK commanders and a traitor was not allowed to leave the MEK.

Farman’s only demand was to return to his family. He tried for a year to be freed, and during this time he was constantly under pressure. Manipulation meetings were organized for him to force him to back down from his demands and stay in the camp.

Farman did not know Persian because he grew up in Iraq. He spoke Kurdish. So, he was always criticized for not speaking Persian in the MEK’s headquarters, Camp Ashraf. In the last large criticism meeting that Mehri Ali Qoli, a female commander, had organized for him on this issue, she shouted at him, “Farman!… Who are you? Do you remember that your father sold your sisters in Ramadi to feed your stomach!? Now you have become a thorn in our side, and you do not obey to speak Persian?”

After this meeting, Farman went outside and poured oil on his body. He returned to the hall, lit a lighter and set himself on fire. Other comrades tried to put him out. Then, he was sent to a hospital in Baghdad but died two days later.

Following the death of Farman, a high-ranking commander held a meeting to convince other members about Farman’s fate. Mahvash Sepehri (Nasrin), the then top commander of Camp Ashraf, criticized Farman’s comrades for his death, saying, “You were not harsh enough against Farman (meaning you didn’t criticize sharply). If you had slammed him, Farman wouldn’t have spoiled himself!”

There is no information about the fate of Farman’s sisters.

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Rokna Political Desk: Informed sources have reported that two women from the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) were observed making multiple suspicious visits to the General Hospital of Durrës, Albania, which serves as a facility for storing corpses.

According to Rokna, the Ashraf 3 terrorist camp in Albania has recently faced a deeply concerning situation, linked to the bodies of members who had been hospitalized due to old age, various illnesses, and even suicide. These corpses have now become a burden for the organization.

Mysterious Movements Around the Hospital
Reliable sources have revealed that two female members of the MEK have on several occasions made suspicious movements through the back entrance of the General Hospital of Durrës, Albania — the very location where corpses are kept.

Reports indicate that these visits were carried out secretly to remain hidden from public view. However, these activities have fueled speculation regarding several recent deaths among the elderly and sick members of the organization.

The morgue at the Durrës hospital is exactly where these women were seen, and it appears these movements were intended to manage the consequences of the deaths of frail members of the group.

Appalling Conditions of Sick and Elderly Members
Multiple reports have highlighted the critical situation inside the MEK organization. According to these accounts, under the direct orders of the group’s leaders, especially Maryam Qajar Azdanlou (Rajavi), elderly and sick members are kept in extremely poor conditions and are strictly prohibited from leaving the camp.

These individuals, most of whom are advanced in age and suffering from serious illnesses, are not only deprived of basic medical care but also endure unbearable physical and psychological pressures.

At the same time, attempts by members to separate from the organization or to obtain proper medical care face strict prohibitions.

Bitter Testimonies from Former Members
One former member of the organization stated explicitly in an interview: “The MEK leaders deliberately abandon sick and discontented members in horrific conditions in order to prevent them from disclosing confidential information. The death of these people does not matter to the organization’s leaders. In fact, at times, such deaths are even exploited as tools for propaganda and victimhood.”

The Need for Human Rights Intervention
Numerous warnings have repeatedly been issued by different circles that Rajavi’s organization, through severe restrictions and mind control, has effectively taken its members hostage, depriving them of their most basic human rights.

Rokna

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Mothers like Soraya Abdollahi, who are symbols of maternal love and resistance to the Rajavis’ blatant oppression, stand against the various vindictive labels the MEK puts on them and insist on their fundamental right to contact their beloved children.

On the other hand, their children are under pressure from the cult-like dictatorship of the group leaders to forget their family, to consider their family as enemies, and even to consider their mothers –who cry out with tearful eyes to see them– as mercenaries. These Children were even brought in front of the group’s TV cameras to curse their mothers.
The second group are mothers who are now in the group and whose children live in different parts of the world. In this group, there are mothers whose children are also in the MEK’s headquarters but there is no mother-child relationship between them. These children were child soldiers who were smuggled from Iraq to Europe and North America, and then smuggled back to the MEK’s headquarters in Iraq as teenagers. These mothers and their MEK children have no contact with each other except for one or two official visits a year.

After forced divorces, Mujahed mothers were forced to hand over their children to the smugglers of the MEK. Many of them are unaware of the fate of their children after long years of separation. Some have also been faced with their children’s revelations about the Cult of Rajavi. On the order of the group leaders, they have denied any maternal affection for their children. Amir Yaghmai and Mohammad Reza Torabi are among the child soldiers whose mothers have denied them in the group’s media and labeled them as mercenaries of the Iranian government!

The MEK, headed by Massoud Rajavi, is the defining line between being a mother and not being a mother. Today, if any MEK member leaves Camp Ashraf 3, they are welcomed with enthusiasm by their mothers, but each of the child soldiers who have left the group and whose mothers are still trapped in it, have been so much disliked by the side of their mothers that they could accept that there is no maternal love from them.

Mazda Parsi

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The True Face of Oppression

Inside the MEK camps, beyond the facade of the rhetoric of fighting tyranny, there is a dark reality. The organization’s members face an internal regime that violates every principle of human rights. They are kept in total isolation, deprived of contact with the outside world and, most importantly, with their families. In the name of discipline and dedication to the cause, these people are treated as property of the organization, not as human beings.
What is the difference between an authoritarian regime and an organization that imprisons the minds and bodies of its members? The answer is simple: none. The MEK, which claims to fight oppression, is itself a tool of oppression for those who constitute the flesh and blood of its organization.

Blatant Rights Violations

1. Total Isolation:
The MEK camps operate as open prisons. No member is allowed to leave without the approval of the leaders. This is a flagrant violation of the right to movement and self-determination, a right guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
2. Indoctrination and Mind Control:
Members are subjected to a continuous process of indoctrination, where any critical thought is suppressed and replaced with blind obedience to the organization’s leaders. This is a form of mind control that violates the right to free thought.
3. Denial of Family Life:
One of the cruelest violent tactics of the MEK is the separation of members from their families. Numerous reports testify to parents not seeing their children for years and people being forced to deny family ties for the sake of the organization. This is a blatant violation of the right to family and human relations.
4. Inhuman Treatment and Fear:
Those who dare to criticize or demand their removal face threats, psychological pressure and, in some cases, physical violence. This is the height of hypocrisy for an organization that claims to fight for rights and freedoms.

A Call for Intervention

Organizations like the MEK should have no place in a world that claims to support human rights. Beyond their political rhetoric, they are systems that foster isolation and violence against their own members. The international community must stop turning a blind eye to these violations. If the world truly stands for human rights, it must intervene and help those who are held hostage by these organizations.
December 10 cannot be an international day unless every individual is free and their rights are guaranteed. The MEK are living proof of hypocrisy and rights violations, condemning hundreds of people to isolation and loss of their identity. This day should be a call for justice and an end to violations, wherever they occur. Silence in the face of these injustices is complicity with oppression.

Violence in the MEK Camps

These acts of violence are not random; they are structured and orchestrated to maintain control over members.
1. Physical Violence as a Means of Intimidation
Reports from former members point to numerous cases where individuals have been brutally beaten by camp guards or other members on the orders of the leaders. This violence is used as punishment for those who try to leave the organization, criticize the leaders, or do not blindly follow orders. Cases include beatings to the point of severe injuries and prolonged isolation in inhumane conditions.

2. Psychological Violence and Emotional Torture
In addition to physical violence, members are subjected to ongoing psychological violence. They are forced to participate in “self-criticism sessions,” where they are forced to admit fabricated guilt and face public humiliation. This is a form of torture that aims to break them spiritually and make them obedient to the leaders. Feelings of guilt and fear permeate the daily lives of these people, leaving them without hope for the future.

3. Denial of Medical Treatment
Physical and psychological violence is often accompanied by the denial of medical treatment for the injured. Members who face health problems as a result of the violence are left without medical assistance or treated minimally, as an additional form of punishment.

Aldo Sulollari, Media manager of Nejat Society Albania

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Thus, tomorrow is an occasion for recognize the human rights of thousands of people who are involved with the oppressive cult-like system of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK).

Based on the United Nations’s definition, Human Rights Day, annually around the world on 10 December, commemorates the anniversary of one of the world’s most groundbreaking global pledges: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). “This landmark document enshrines the inalienable rights that everyone is entitled to as a human being – regardless of race, color, religion, sex, language, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

The UDHR was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 and sets out, for the first time, fundamental human rights to be universally protected. This year’s theme is: Our Rights, Our Future, Right Now.

The UN explains this theme stating, “Human rights can empower individuals and communities to forge a better tomorrow. By embracing and trusting the full power of human rights as the path to the world we want, we can become more peaceful, equal and sustainable.”

A better tomorrow for victims of the MEK will not come unless the International human rights bodies respect their human rights as well as other humans. As the UN says this Human Rights Day should focus on how human rights are a pathway to solutions, playing a critical role as a preventative, protective and transformative force for good; the good of people whose rights have been violated by Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, leaders of the Rajavi’s cult of personality.

Victims of human rights violations of the MEK are categorized in the following groups:

-Members of the MEK who are isolated from the free world in a remote camp in Albania, deprived from any contact with the outside world, under a manipulative ruling system.

-MEK members’ families, especially mothers who have been languishing a long-life separation from their beloved children who have been taken like hostages in the MEK.

-Former MEK members who are still suffering the traumas of mental and physical torture inside the MEK. They should have been gone through a deradicalizing program before integration with free society.

-A thousand Children of Mujahed Parents who were once separated from their parents in Iraq, smuggled to Europe and North America, where they were raised in the MEK’s team houses in order to exploit their social benefits or were fostered by the MEK sympathizers who abused them in several cases. Most of these children have lost the track of their birth parents or are not allowed by the MEK to contact them.

-Former child soldiers of the MEK who are hundreds of those smuggled children. They were then smuggled back to Iraq in their teen ages and were recruited as child soldiers of the MEK’s army, the so-called National Liberation Army. Some of these child soldiers were killed in military operations and clashes. Some of then are still under the mind control system of the group.

-Survivors of the MEK’s terrorist acts who have been injured, paralyzed and/or have lost one or more family members in the terrorist operations of the MEK against civilians.

As the UN states, this year’s theme of Human Rights Day is a call to acknowledge the importance and relevance of human rights in our everyday lives. “We have an opportunity to change perceptions by speaking up against hate speech, correcting misinformation and countering disinformation.”

The leader of the MEK and the MEK-run media are actually propaganda machines that propagate hate speech, misinformation and disinformation. They suppress any voice that reveals their atrocities and even any voice that criticizes their attitudes. This is the time to mobilize action to reinvigorate a global movement for human rights of the MEK victims.

Mazda Parsi

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