It seems that Maryam Rajavi’s recent trip to some European countries as Iranian president-elect in exile and her interview with a variety of Medias creates her an opportunity to provide appropriate answers to many existing but ambiguous challenges. Naturally, most of the journalists and media men have got tired of hearing and penning mediocre issues like that of Iran’s nuclear file, claims of the West granting concessions to Iranian regime …
The function of Mojahedin at least through the past 25 years well indicates that they had availed themselves of given opportunity, Saddam’s overall backing and other reactionary political factions as well as the debilitating, prolonged war and controversies among the countries of the region. Of course, Mojahedin had given a pledge to make up for all protections and backings they had received after assuming power in Iran.
The deliberate silence occurs at a time when MKO wrestle with the encountered predicaments in Iraq by taking advantage of the internal chaos and the deepened rift between the opponent factions and al-Maliki’s government. Mojahedin’s propaganda machine has never stopped dispersing the threats that democracy in Iraq is unattainable unless through the support of Mojahedin as it was advertised through the statement ..
Those in the West who repeat Mojahedin’s claims of receiving Iraqi people’s support should come to know that Mojahedin’s strategically contradictory conduct well justifies falsity of their assertions. Those who believe that Saddam’s sentence might put an end to Iraq’s black era do not need much speculation, seeing MKO’s silence and passiveness, to picture Mojahedin’s virtual play in the extension of disorder and tension.
A rereading of Saddam’s crimes against the Iraqi Kurds will reveals facts on Mojahedin Khalq (MKO) whose hands are dabbled with the blood of the Kurds. As mercenaries of Saddam, in cases they have referred to their role in these crimes and have tried to make justifications over them. The coalition forces that attacked Iraq to end, as they state, Saddam’s rule of tyranny and free the nation have to be faithful in their claims and …
The ideological revolution, in fact, legitimized Rajavi’s perpetual hegemony that was deep rooted in the organization’ structure and which was invisibly practiced by its first charismatic leader Hanifnejad. Tinctured with sacredness, the pillars of hegemony would be stabilized and ended any further wrangling. The main core of Mojahedin’s ideological revolution was to solve the issue of leadership. It could put an end to a problem known to be the Achilles’ heel in most contemporary revolutions and movements
soon after the Islamic revolution, they announced that more than 150,000 rallied in Amjadieh soccer stadium in Tehran. The stadium in full capacity, according to mathematical evaluations, could entertain a crowd of not exceeding 30,000. Later, on the anniversary of the 20 June event, MKO’ TV reported a rally of 200,000 in the same place. Even on the 20 June 1981, the day MKO organized a protesting rally in different Iranian cities, MKO announced a swarm of 500,000 sympathizers in Tehran’s streets never thinking of the destructive potentialities of such a crowd if they really existed
MKO left France to settle in Iraq with the aim to utilize Saddam and Baath Party’s potentialities to form an alliance against Iran. Saddam, too, had the same idea in mind and could venture on MKO in its war with Iran. The close strategic, political collaboration furthered a brotherhood between Saddam and Rajavi; it may explain why MKO yet avoid taking any clear position against Saddam and his crimes.
Maryam Rajavi’s arrest and its aftermath gave the states and the public opinion the opportunity to see behind the pseudo-democratic face of Mojahedin. Accused of terrorist activities, association with a terrorist organization and financing terrorist operations, the French Police raided the office of MKO at Auvers-sur-Oise and arrested 164 suspected Mojahedin cadres as well as Maryam Rajavi.
On 7 June 1986 Massoud Rajavi took an unexpected move; he left Paris for Iraq. It was the beginning of a new political phase for Mojahedin organization. Some of Mojahedin’s allies that were dismayed at Rajavi’s earlier publicized meeting with Tariq Aziz, Iraq’s deputy prime minister, in January 1983, when Iran-Iraq war was at its most intense …