Amir has not contacted his family for 39 years except for two times: The first time was in Iraq, in 2004 when his father went to Camp Ashraf. He was just allowed to visit Amir for a few minutes under the supervision of MEK commanders. His later trips to Camp Ashraf were not successful. He was no more permitted to visit his beloved son.

During these years, Amir’s brother, Adel has been cooperating with Nejat Society in order to send messages to his beloved brother in the MEK and so he has been labeled as an agent of the Islamic Republic’s Intelligence ministry. This is the MEK’s tactic to demonize all families who want to contact their children taken as hostages in the group’s cult-like system.

The second contact was made by Amir! He was forced by the group leaders to write against his own family calling them “Monsters”. “My family are the Resistance Units who are fighting the regime in Iran,” he added.

However, Adel had learned from former members of the MEK that Amir and many other members of the group are manipulated and coerced to write such words against their families. Thus, he continued writing letters to send love to his beloved brother. This is a part of his last letter that has been published in Persian on Nejat website:

Yesterday I received a new photo of you. To be honest, I was very happy that I was able to see a picture of you once again, and I was also very sad that after all these years I only had to see your photo and why can’t I even hear your voice?

My good brother, when I saw your photo, I just cried in silence for a few minutes, and in those few minutes, all the past memories with you flashed before my eyes. I remembered the cries and moans of our parents, because of their distance and lack of news about you, and I felt sad for them, who passed away with a lot of regret and sighs.

Amir Hezbepour is now in the MEK’s headquarters called Ashraf 3, in Manez, Albania. Residents of Ashraf 3 are not allowed to leave the camp. They are not allowed to have any contact with the outside world either. Their families, in Iran and across the world, like the Hezbepours are deprived from their basic rights to contact their loved ones.

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The event was attended by guests from different walks of Albanian community, including artists, academics, students, civil servants and journalists, who together discussed the issues presented.

The participants, honoring the values ​​of this day, examined the human rights situation within the Mujahedin Organization camp and, through the presentation of concrete evidence and experiences, engaged in shedding light on these issues.

The Seminar began with the speech of Ella Deda, who presented the objectives of the seminar and the importance of addressing human rights issues.

Hassan Shahbaz MEK defector at World Workers’ Day Seminar

Nejat Albania’s Seminar on World Workers’ Day

Afterwards, a video was shown to the audience that addressed the importance and philosophy of International Workers’ Day as well as the place of workers’ rights in contemporary societies.

Next, Hasan Shahbaz, one of the defectors from the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO/ MEK), sharing his personal experiences, explained the conditions inside the MEK’s camp and the restrictions imposed on members.

After him, Aldo Sollulari, President of the Nejat Society Albania, emphasizing the necessity of supporting the rights of individuals, underlined the continuation of efforts to raise awareness on the issue.

At the end of the seminar, a question-and-answer session was held, during which the attendees presented their views and questions, and thus, constructive discussions took place.

May 1^st, 2026, Nejat Society Albania

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Iraq during the Saddam Hussein era

Torabi starts from 2001, when after holding meetings for all organizational levels, it became almost impossible to leave Camp Ashraf. According to Torabi, in these meetings, Massoud Rajavi publicly announced that we will not send anyone abroad from now on.

This former child soldier of the MEK describes the 2001 meetings as “very violent” and “anti-human” and “literally brutal”. According to Torabi, the word “Brutal” is the best adjective to describe the meetings. According to Masoud Rajavi’s new instructions, if a person wanted to leave the organization, he should first confess to the camera that he would not fight any more, and secondly, he should announce his resignation in a meeting before the crowd, so he would be subjected to the most brutal attacks. Curses, insults, spitting and even beatings from the brutalized comrades, and if he did not regret leaving the organization during these stressful and oppressive stages and resisted all the attacks, he would have to stay in a section called the exit for 2 years, until his alleged information would be burned and eventually he would be left at the border of Iran and Iraq.

According to Mohammad Reza Torabi, “leaving the MEK is the strictest red line” and if a person announced his intention to leave, all tasks would be shut down in order to convince the person to stay.

Due to such difficult conditions, some members of the group tried to escape from Ashraf camp. Ashraf was a large piece of land surrounded by barbed wire, guard towers and iron gates, in the bareness of the Iraqi deserts, which increases the probability of failure of escape plans. Mohammad Reza Torabi says that people who were caught while fleeing were punished with imprisonment and torture for at least six months.

Iraq after the American invasion

In 2003, after the American invasion of Iraq and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam Hussein and the disarmament of the MEK, the American forces took over the protection of Camp Ashraf. According to Torabi’s testimony, the American forces conducted short interviews with each and every member of the camp in the tents they had built around Ashraf, but the intensity of the brainwashing was so excessive that most of the members did not share their willingness to leave, with the Americans. Torabi says that people believed that they were the forces of imperialism and did not tell anything to them for fear of saying the wrong thing.

According to Torabi, since the MEK was under American supervision at that time, they could no longer torture people. At that time, people who wanted to leave the establishment could go to the American temporary settlement camp known as TIPF and stay there for a few years until the conditions for transfer to Iran or a third country were provided for them.
But inside the organization, as Mohammad Reza remembers, the leaders used to tell scary stories about TIPF to people in order to reduce the desire to leave their cult.

The first months in Albania

According to Mohammad Reza, Masoud Rajavi was determined to stay in Iraq, even before 2010, the United Nations proposed a plan based on which all members of the MEK would be transferred to Poland, but Rajavi’s strategy was to stay in Iraq.

Torabi even remembers that Abrishamchi spoke in the meetings about the possibility of Kurdish uprising and Barzani’s arming, followed by the arming of the MEK

But in 2016, under the pressure of the Iraqi government and the support of the United States, the MEK were completely transferred from Iraq to Albania, while Rajavi preferred that people stay in Iraq and more forces were killed in the attacks on Camp Ashraf and Camp Liberty.

Torabi talks about the atmosphere created after entering Albania: in a short time after entering Albania, when the organizational structure of the group had lost its cohesion, several hundred people were able to leave. Mohammad Reza explains why he did not leave the Cult of Rajavi in those days: “For someone like me, who was brainwashed by Masoud Rajavi, life outside the Mujahideen Khalq was unimaginable.”

Today in Albania

One year after moving to Albania, the leaders of the MEK rented the current location of the group in the village of Manez in the north of Tirana and started the construction of their new stronghold called Ashraf 3. Once again, under the pretext of security issues, they built a fence and gate around their camp, and this time they added CCTV cameras to the protection layer of their camp.

Nevertheless, according to Torabi, the conditions of the members today are not as difficult as the conditions prevailing in Iraq, but people are either so old that they no longer have the motivation to leave and see themselves too old to build an independent life outside the group, or in terms of personality and spirit not everyone has the capacity to endure two years of isolation and repression before being fired, in the exit department of the organization.

Mohammad Reza Torabi says: Imagine living in a place where if you ask to leave, everyone will consider you as a traitor! According to them, the worst sin is to leave the MEK. In this situation, anyone who leaves this cult is really bravely making the most difficult decision of his life.

Mazda Parsi

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First of all, emotional isolation is one of the most obvious consequences of stopping meetings with family members. Family is often the primary source of emotional support for most individuals. For camp members who face many challenges within a closed environment, connecting with their loved ones would be a valuable opportunity to find solace and emotional stability. Withholding these contacts has created a strong feeling of loss and isolation, significantly deteriorating their mental health. Camp members feel cut off from the outside world and often face a deep sense of loneliness, which makes them more vulnerable to depression and stress.

In addition, the lack of contact with family members has also increased tensions and concerns within the camp. While these meetings could have provided some sort of stability and security for members, banning them has created an atmosphere charged with uncertainty and stress. Members often feel frustrated and worried about their families, experiencing anxiety about their well-being, and feeling unable to do anything to help. This lack of connections with loved ones has worsened their overall well-being and has caused internal tensions in the camp.

Another important aspect affected by this ban is the importance of social connections and support the family provides. Social connections are necessary for motivation and emotional stability of individuals. Family not only provides emotional support, but it is also an important source of motivation and guidance for many people. When camp members feel cut off from this vital support, they often experience a drop in morale and lose their sense of purpose or motivation. Furthermore, social isolation negatively affects the ability of individuals to maintain good mental health and cope with stress.

On the other hand, banning meetings with family members may reinforce the perception that the group is closed-minded and controlling, creating distrust and anxiety among camp members. When contact with family is banned, members may feel trapped and limited in their personal decisions. This situation makes them feel controlled and unable to influence their lives, reinforcing the perception that the group is closed to the outside world and does not want to create spaces for external dialogue or connection. This perception can weaken their confidence in group leaders and cause a heightened sense of distrust and discontent.

Another critical aspect is the impact that this ban has on the process of rehabilitation and integration of individuals. Contacting family is often an essential part of the rehabilitation process for individuals who have experienced major trauma or challenges in life. Family provides a sense of belonging and stability, which is important for emotional and psychological recovery. Prohibiting meetings with families has hindered this rehabilitation process, bringing ongoing emotional and psychological problems to camp members. This restriction makes it harder for them to cope with inner challenges and find emotional peace.

In summary, banning meetings with family members at Ashraf 3 camp has had profound and multiple impacts on the lives of its members. This decision has created emotional isolation, increased tensions and concerns, weakened social support and has negatively impacted the rehabilitation process of individuals. For camp members, contact with family members is an important part of their emotional and social wellbeing, and a lack of this contact has worsened their overall condition.

Ela Sulollari (Deda)

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For those who have gone through a long and painful experience of being in the coercive relations of the MEK, even the title of the book attracts a lot of attention. How and with what attitude can the leader of a destructive cult who runs her organization by sheer coercion comment on coercion!!

In the case of “no to compulsory hijab”, it should be asked how can a group that does not enjoy any concept called “free choice of clothing” in its relationships claim to say no to forced hijab.
In the Cult of Rajavi, women are forced to always wear hijab. If a bit of women’s hair is seen, they will be dealt with harsh punishments. how can Maryam Rajavi claim the slogan “No to compulsory hijab”?! When all women and even men are strongly forced to observe the type of covering that the group has determined for them, how can they really claim, “no to compulsory hijab”?

all women and even men are strongly forced to observe the type of covering that the group has determined for them

Of course, we all know that using such empty promises is only to welcome the western politicians who are in the next step paid heavy amounts in order to deliver a five-minute speech on behalf of the group. The leaders of the MEK have to mask their fierce face in Western societies so that the current realities in their organizations remain hidden.

When we look inside the MEK’s relations, we see that they act completely opposite to their slogans, and their beliefs are 180 degrees different from what they say. Rajavi knows that if he reduces a bit of the ruling compulsions within the hierarchy of his cult, it will certainly collapse. This is the nature of cult-like systems.

The second phrase in the book’s title is “No to compulsory religion!”. A long list of testimonies of former members of the MEK state that in the cult like structure of the MEK, even people who are Muslim but Sunni are forced to behave according to Shia rulings. Based on many documented testimonies, those who did not believe in any religion and had joined the group for its political cause into, were eventually brainwashed and coerced to act as a Muslim does, performing Shia rituals. If from Maryam Rajavi’s point of view this religion is not compulsory, then what does it mean?

One can talk for hours about compulsory hijab and religion in the MEK. From gender segregation to the humiliation of men before the eyes of women and the handing over of the pyramid of power to women, it all shows the alleged dominance of women over relationships. Under the order of the disappeared leader of the cult, they have been forced to divorce their spouses. No one had the power to oppose but Massoud Rajavi had the power to have sexual relationships with all women in the higher ranks. Polygamy is not forbidden for Massoud Rajavi.
And the other thing mentioned in the title of the book is “No to compulsory for the government!”. In this matter, like in other parts of the title, human rights or democracy has no meaning for Maryam Rajavi.

Once Rajavi used to chant the slogan of “Islamic democratic government”, but now he has taken the word “Islamic” to deceive the West and instead, he is chanting the slogan of democracy. The conflicts of the MEK with other opposition groups over any political issue about Iran should be closely studied. Rajavi does not accept any government except what he says. She criticizes and threatens everyone who criticizes her and considers every opponent opinion as enemy.

Maryam Rajavi has claimed to write a book with such titles. No to forced hijab, religion and government, by the mouth of Maryam Rajavi is nothing more than a big lie. She violates these three concepts on daily basis within her organization. She is likely to intend to impose the same version, that is right now being executed in her cult, on the Iranian nation.

By Mazda Parsi

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Sarfaraz who is a member of the Association for the Support of Iranians Living in Albania (ASILA) attended the show along with Erisa, his Albanian wife. Erisa Rahimi was there as an interpreter.
During the interview, Sarfaraz talked about the restrictions and prohibitions created by the leaders of the Cult of Rajavi such as prohibition of contact with family, prohibition of marriage and even prohibition of contact with the opposite sex. He considered the MEK’s strict ideology and its manipulative mind control system as the basis for violation of human rights and in particular sexual abuse of female members of the group.

to download the video file click here

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Abdolmehdi Baymani; victim of the MEK

When I asked him about the reason of his coming to Ashraf, he told, “being jobless and the dream of living in Europe persuaded me to accept the suggestion made by one of my friends.”
“He introduced me a man whose job was human trafficking in the Gulf countries.” Mehdi said. “First, he was supposed to take me to Kuwait but after some time he said that the plan has been changed and I should go to Iraq! As I heard the word Iraq, I got surprised because we were at war with Iraq for several years. I thought that Iraq would not have a good relationship with Iranians and would not be safe for us. I was obsessed with the border line which was still full of undiscovered mines. However, the persistence of the man convinced me to go. I thought that it was my last chance for immigrating to Europe. I got the phone numbers of my close friends to call them immediately after I arrived in Europe.”

I felt pity for Mehdi. He was so naïve and honest. After the dinner, I said goodbye to Mehdi and his friends and I did not see him anymore. A year later, in 2000, the group announced that Mehdi had been killed in the Iran-Iraq border while he was returning from Iran to Iraq. I was shocked. I wondered what he was doing in the border line. I never thought that he would be sent for cross border operations because his eyes were awfully weak. He had serious vision problems at night. The next day, the MEK published an announcement to declare that Abdolmehdi Baymani had been sent to Iran to launch an operation.

The MEK commanders had not provided him with a safe house in Iran. They had forced him to use his family and their home to cover the operation and this way his family had been faced with security issues.
Abdolmehdi Baymani was killed at the age of 23 while he was a young man who just loved to live in a European country. He fell in the trap of the Rajavi’s terrorist cult. He was actually killed for Rajavi’s ambitions. He took his dream of living in Europe to the grave.
After the death of Mehdi, the inhuman Cult of Rajavi launched a propaganda to show off Mehdi as a hero who was in love with Maryam and Massoud Rajavi but the rank and file of the group regrated and felt sympathy for Mehdi’s heartbreaking fate.

Ali Ekrami, former member of the MEK

also read:
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Ahmad Tavakol
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Bahman Atiqi
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Mehran Gholami

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Greetings to all friends. Whether those who we were together in Camp Ashraf under the captivity of the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK, MKO, Rajavi Cult) or those whose loved ones are there. As my friend Mahmoud Dashtestani said, this is not a matter of economics and material things. They took over our whole life during these years. How, for our soul and for our being, can materials be discussed?

Abbas Mohammadpurmr; a former member of the Rajavi Cult

We are talking about those who are waiting. In turn, I support all that is being done and what other friends are doing in connection with the complaint. I will work until the end, so that we can take these loved ones back to a place where they are free, or at least their families can visit them. The waiting period for families is not one or two years, but 30 years.

We do our best to get at least one of them out of captivity or they can call or their families can go and visit them. We complained against MEK and we will follow it to the end, and we will go and testify and say what they did to us and what they did to those who are still in captivity wherever necessary.

In my opinion, this organization has no foundation and it is vanishing day by day like a tree bitten by termites. Therefore, supporting this organization, both by governments and politicians, is useless. We follow this way so that we can bring these families to their loved ones. We do everything we can.

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Three years later, propaganda and brainwashing has succeeded in convincing the couple to move to Iraq. The trap slowly closed on them. Massoumeh was forced to give her two children to an Iranian nurse, a member of the movement. In 1998, using a forged passport,she arrived in Iraq, via Belgium and Jordan. Her husband joined her one week later. The young woman states: “I was personally seduced by Maryam Rajavi’s position on women’s liberation and by the idyllic picture they painted of the situation in Iraq. But we were soon confronted by a reality that was far less attractive”.

As soon as they arrived in Ashraf camp, the Haidaris were separated from each other. They agreed, in writing, to end their married life, to break completely with their families and to write a daily report summarizing what they did, heard and saw. They conformed to the group and underwent military training. Massoumeh learned to handle many different weapons, maintain liaison between networks operating on both sides of the border and even to carry out bomb attacks inside Iran.

In 2001, this young “people’s fighter” took part in an operation in Tehran itself. She marched dozens of Kilometers into Iran, with her fellow women commandos, carrying thirty Kilograms of explosives. On the way back, she was arrested near the town of Ourumieh. After intensive interrogation in the police station,she admitted everything she knew about the organization and was sent to prison. One year later, she was freed and returned to live with her parents in Tehran. But her troubles continue: her husband is still in the Ashraf Camp and does not know that she is alive. Her “death” was announced in “al-Qamar al-Monir”: or “shining Moon”,her nom de guerre.she has had no news of her children, Elahe and Roya, aged nufrse with whom they wee placed is to longer in service. The Netherland success. They remain missing. Have they,too, been sent to Iraq?

Describing the situation among the Mojahedin at the time she left Camp Ashraf, Massoumeh says:” the fighters were weary and losing hope. Those who admitted this were harshly disciplined. I did not know that there were special prisons for Mojahedn. I learned that later from former members I met after I returned to Iran. In fact, we were very badly informed about what went on inside Iraq and knew even less about events outside the country. We had no access to newspapers,magazines or books. Our only source of news was the movement’s own television station. There were no holidays. The few times we left the camp, it was only to bring a sick person to a Baghdad hospital and return right away. All emotional ties were forbidden by the organization. For example, we were not allowed to keep photographs of our own children, write letters to them or our parents, or become friends with anyone else. Since sexual relations had been banned, women could not become pregnant or have babies”.

From the book: The People’s Mojahedin of Iran: A Struggle for what? “By Victor Charbonnier

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Sobhani first came in contact with the MKO in 1977, a year before the anti-monarchy revolution. By 1979, he was working “professionally and full time” with the organization. When the headquarters of the armed wing of the organization relocated inside Iraq, he followed suit. By 1991, he had risen in the ranks of the organization and had become a member of the Central Committee. However, ever since the “ideological revolution,” when divorces were mandated, he became uncomfortable with the path pursued by the leadership. His differences with the leadership of Masoud and Maryam Rajavi and other members of the Central Committee reached a climax in 1992. Masoud Rajavi argued for remaining in Iraq regardless of the end of the Iran-Iraq war and Saddam Hussein’s defeat in the first Gulf War in 1991, he said. Rajavi still hoped that fighting between Iran and Iraq would resume, and based the organization’s strategy on such a development. Sobhani says he found the possibility of a new war highly unlikely given the dismal state of Iraq’s armed forces. Other members of the Central Committee saw his arguments as a challenge to the Rajavis’ leadership:

Mohammd Hussein Sobhani

As long as my criticisms were mild, I was left alone. But as soon as I persevered in my questioning, their behavior changed dramatically. In the beginning, I discussed my concerns personally with the leadership, Maryam and Masoud Rajavi. I also brought up my concerns with other members of the Central Committee. These discussions reached a dead-end. Once they became certain that I didn’t share their views, on August 28, 1992, they convened a meeting (neshast taiin taklif) to determine my faith and to decide if I was staying with the organization or not. The process began with intimidation, verbal abuse, and beatings. Of course, since I was a high ranking official, I was treated better than ordinary members. I was told that my criticisms and questions were just an excuse to quit the struggle. Their conclusion was that I was a quitter (borideh) and didn’t have the strength to continue the struggle any longer.

On August 31, 1992, Sobhani was moved to a prison and kept under solitary confinement for the next eight-and-a-half years.

After the first two months in prison, all of my beliefs in the organization fell apart. Up to that point I considered my differences with them as a matter of divergent political views; I wasn’t questioning the MKO’s underlying essence. I used to mark my prison walls each time I was subjected to severe beatings. There were many occasions of lesser beatings, but on eleven occasions I was beaten mercilessly using wooden sticks and thick leather elts.
Sobhani was handed over to Iraqi officials in January 2001. He spent one month in mukhabarat prison and then transferred to Abu Ghraib. He was held in Abu Ghraib until January 21, 2002, when he was repatriated to Iran in exchange for Iraqi POWs. In Iran, he was detained and interrogated by the Iranian government. After three days, he escaped from a low security detention center and fled Iran. He is currently living in Europe.

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