Mayer of Khalis, Adnan Al Khadran said on Sunday that the 100 remaining Mojahedin Khalq are still refusing to go 
from the province.
They are bringing excuses such as "selling their belongings to the Iraqis" which by itself is against the law.
A committee has been created by the local government, United Nations and the members of the central government to stop this and end the presence of them.
Iran Interlink based on Arabic media
Shirin Moini was deceived into the MKO when she was 20 and an undergraduate student at Isfahan University. She then 
was transferred to the Camp Ashraf and broke all family ties for 9 years without her family knowing where she was.
Last month Shirin; now a dissent member within the organization transferred to Albania and managed to provide a mobile phone and contact her family asking for help. She informed family of her intention of living an ordinary life in the free world and out of the MKO cult’s boundaries. She had no access to the Internet and had no e-mail address.
Her contact with the family cut, after her secret relations with her family revealed to the cult officials. It is now for several weeks that her family has no news of Shirin.
Zanan Iran Association- female dispatched members of MKO – has announced a plea for help to free Mrs Shirin Moini from the MKO.
Her father Mohammad Moini and her sisters in Iran are asking for help to be able to meet her. Her cousin is Zahra Moini, now in Germany, who had been in the MEK herself.
++ Several people have continued to write about the resignation of Ghassim and Rowhani from the NCRI, concluding that the MEK’s reaction toward them and toward Esmael Yaghmai and Iraj Mesdaghi only proves what the ex-members have been saying for the past twenty years about the cult nature of the Mojahedin Khalq.
++ Ghorban Ali Hossein Nejad has written in Arabic to Dr Valid Saleh to explain to him who the MEK are. The MEK claimed Dr Saleh would attend their Villipinte ceremony in Paris in June. Dr Saleh replied to the letter thanking Hossein Nejad for the information provided. But saying that in reality he has no relation with the MEK and will never attend any of their programmes, meetings or ceremonies. He did, however, acknowledge that the MEK have tried through many channels to persuade him to participate in their meetings and that he has always clearly rejected them.
++ Tens of articles continue to be written about the Forough Javidan (Eternal Light) operation looking at it from different angles; many try to get into the head of a cult leader and examine why he would start such a thing. Many of those who actually participated say they had not choice but to go to war, there was nothing they could have done to resist or refuse.
++ This week’s guests on Mardom TV were Nasrin Ebrahimi from Setarehgan website in Switzerland who talked about the situation of women in the MEK camps and also about the prison, and Batul Soltani from Zanan Iran in Germany who introduced Mrs Zahra Moini to talk about her involvement in the MEK.
++ Mohammad B expands on the argument between Karim Ghassim and Mohammad Reza Rowhani and the MEK, basically saying they are right to say Rajavi is not against the Iranian regime and that ‘toppling the regime’ is just an excuse for him. Whoever Rajavi’s first enemy is, he says, it is not the regime.
++ In Iraq, Al Maliki’s advisor Ali Al Mousavi reiterated in a TV interview there is no alternative for the MEK except that Iraq throw them out and emphasised that all parties have signed up for this including the UN, and there is no going back. He said that although many western governments support this group, the bottom line is none of them want to accept them on their soil, but Iraq has no other way except expelling them.
++In the second and third parts of his interview with the Reporters’ Club in Tehran, Ebrahim Khodabandeh talked about Massoud Rajavi and says that contrary to rumours he is alive and is being protected by some powers. Khodabandeh also talked about Maryam Rajavi’s hypocrisy over issues like wearing Hijab and shaking hands with members of the opposite sex. He says that when she attended court in France she went without Hijab. He says that one of the reasons he is confident Massoud Rajavi is still alive is because from personal experience he knows Maryam Rajavi is next to useless and cannot take responsibility even for herself and is incapable of doing anything even though it is a cult.
++ Mohammad Karami has written about two more cases of suspicious deaths in the MEK. One was Karim Pedram whom he knew personally and the other was Massoumeh Gheibipour about whom he recounts from the memoirs of Batul Soltani. Both died suspiciously in the MEK.
++ Iraqi parliamentarian Mohammad Reza Al Khaffaaji from Al Ahrar faction was interviewed by Central Iraqi News Agency. He claims the MEK is one of most dangerous terrorist organisations in the world. Another MP, Qayda Kambash from Al Araghieh coalition, emphasised again that there is no alternative to the expulsion of the MEK from Iraq.
++The Diyali Province Chief of Police announced this week ‘we have received orders to forcefully evacuate Camp Ashraf of the remaining 100 people within the next two weeks if they don’t leave voluntarily’.
++ Mohammad Alavi from Aryia Iran published an article in response to Ted Poe’s claim that the MEK works for US Intelligence. The article is titled ‘Mojahedin Khalq – People’s Warriors or Jihadists for the Intelligence Services?’
++ Parts five and six of Hanif Heydar Nejat’s account of his own experience of Forough Javidan was published in Pejvak Iran.
++ Esmail Yaghmai has published one of the MEK’s own propaganda rants on his weblog under the title ‘Believe you me, members and supporters of the MEK are not sheep’. The article features a photo-shopped picture conflating himself, Iraj Mesdaghi , Massoud Khodabandeh and Sa’id Shahsavandi together claiming they are all agents of the regime and hinting that they are working together. Many experts believe that the next big fear of the MEK and Rajavi after the collapse from within that we are now witnessing is that these individuals start to talk and get together, so the MEK’s next tactic is to try to make them afraid of talking to one another.
++ In another article, Mohammad B, writes about the clear silence of NCRI member Hezarkhani. He says he has reliable information from inside Auvers sur Oise that he has been put under serious pressure to swear at those who have left but that up to now he has resisted doing so.
++ Zanan Iran has announced a plea for help to free Mrs Shirin Moini from the MEK. She is now in Albania. Her father Mohammad Moini and her sisters in Iran are asking for help to be able to meet her. Another sister Alnaz Moini has asked for help. Her cousin is Zahra Moini, now in Germany, who had been in the MEK herself.
++ Said Soltanpour from Kaanun Bayan in Canada held a video interview as part of the oral history of recent events in Iran. He interviewed ‘Siamak’, one of the commanders in Forough Javidan about how it started, how it proceeded and how it ended going through the various meetings, preparations and orders etc.
++ Mahnaz Ghezlou, who last week accused Rajavi of living in a dream and shaking hands with his own ignorance, has come under internet attack and was called ‘a mercenary of the regime’. One of those who attacked her is a notorious lumpen of the MEK called Mansour Ghadarkhah. Ghezlou writes ‘Mr Rajavi I am not a mercenary but Mansour Ghadarkhal is!’ Apparently Ghadarkhah had mistakenly sent an email to her which was intended for his commander in Paris who also has the name Mahnaz. The email lays out his expenses for his trip to Paris and his month’s salary for October which he asks Mahnaz Salimian, Secretary of the NCRI, to pay him. Ghezlou goes on to say that when she started with the MEK she was a girl in Tehran and that at that time the Hizbollahis would taunt them saying they only like the MEK because they fancied sleeping with Massoud Rajavi. Now it has been revealed that Rajavi really has been sleeping with many of the women in Camp Ashraf.
++ In Iraq the parliamentarian Mashregh Naaji from Al Ahrar gave an interview to Fars News in which he claims Iraq has overwhelming proof that the continued existence of MEK in Iraq is only due to the severe pressure on Iraq from America. He says however that ‘we have told them no and we will not give in and they must take them home. We have no intention of using our land against our neighbours any more.’
++ Rassoul Taghinejad has written his fourth letter to Massoud Rajavi asking to allow him meet his brother Rashid Taghinejad whom he has not seen for the last 33 years. The family are wondering, he says, why human rights organisations have gone mum over this and why the MEK won’t even answer him.
++ Mohammad Razaghi sent an open letter to the Prime Minister of Albania presenting some documents and witness statements that the MEK are now trying to create a replica of Camp Ashraf Albania. The letter warns that Albania’s humanitarian efforts should not be hijacked by a terrorist cult.
++ Mehdi Khoshhaal has started new series of articles in Fanous website. His first article goes through some famous quotes from Massoud Rajavi, one of which is, ‘at the end of a horse race they don’t ask the winner how he won’. Khoshhaal reminds us that this may be true, but at the end of the race they give the prize to the rider not to the horse.
++ Zahra Moini in the third part of her interview with Zanan Iran recounts the burning to death of Homa Bashar Doust. Along with a picture of Homa’s grave in Camp Ashraf, Moini claims that herself and everyone else had serious doubts about the cause of this fire, which apparently happened when some petrol caught fire as Homa was cleaning her weapon.
Iran Interlink, August 09 2013
As conflict in the Middle East rages on, this week’s Economist called for the West to stop the rise of Iranian power in the wake of Hassan Rouhani’s election as president and worried that “the balance of power between 
Iran and the rest of the world has been shifting in Iran’s favour.” Another voice has long been calling for the West — the United States, in particular — to counter the Iranian government. The most visible Iranian exile group in Washington, the Mujahedin-e-Khalq, was taken off the State Department’s list of foreign terrorist organizations in 2012 after a robust lobbying campaign and they’ve kept lobbying since shedding the label.
Members of the MEK call for regime change in Iran as “the only option” and see their leader, Maryam Rajavi, as the legitimate successor to the seat of power. Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, R-Calif., and Rep. Ted Poe, R-Texas, have been especially receptive to these claims, and not without some convincing: the MEK has invested heavily in getting members of Congress to see things its way.
This should sound familiar. Ahmed Chalabi was the head of the Iraqi National Congress when he pushed for the U.S. government to depose Saddam Hussein in 2003. His group’s coordinated calls for regime change led to a fruitless pursuit for weapons of mass destruction and large-scale distraction from the concurrent war in Afghanistan. So when an Iranian opposition group purports to be the preeminent resistance-in-exile, worthy of the spoils in the scenario of the Iranian government’s downfall, regarding the group’s ambitions with suspicion is only prudent.
Especially when nobody knows where the MEK gets its money.
The MEK is the main branch of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which was founded in 1981 in Tehran, according to the NCRI’s website. Penetrating their records has proven difficult. A 14-page Christian Science Monitor report from 2011 provides the most detail about who pays for MEK’s events and campaigns, but even that reporting only shows that the funding comes from various shell organizations around the country. That hardly answers the question.
According to a form submitted in compliance with the Foreign Agents Registration Act in May, the NCRI is registered as a foreign principal under Rosemont Associates, LLC. That company is owned by Robert G. Torricelli, a former Democratic U.S. senator from New Jersey. A man who picked up the company phone on Thursday morning wasn’t keen on chatting, and a receptionist who answered another call later that afternoon said Torricelli wasn’t in.
According to his company’s FARA filing, the NCRI pays Torricelli $420,000 per year for his services, which include lobbying executive and legislative branch officials. They also gave him $34,975 in March for speeches he gave in Europe.
Torricelli’s not the only former U.S. official to receive huge sums in exchange for lobbying and speeches on MEK’s behalf. Indeed, lavish compensation was the backbone of MEK’s effort to get off the State Department’s terrorist watch list, according to the Monitor report.
So where does the group get all this money? On another FARA form, this one submitted in April, the NCRI says it is not financed or subsidized by a foreign government, foreign political party, or other foreign principal. And since the U.S. has certainly never engaged in, or heard of, providing covert funding to militant opposition groups abroad, it’s safe to take these documents at face value. (Not.)
Wherever the funding and organizing comes from, MEK advocates are making good use of it. Groups of lobbyists who hail from the MEK-affiliate groups roam the halls in groups and eat in the Rayburn cafeteria every day. A Democratic staffer whose office is in Rayburn said, “They are here constantly. I probably see them every day.”
In March, MEK advocates appeared at a photo exhibit in the Rayburn House Office Building on Capitol Hill for women and girls in Afghanistan. They invited me to attend their then-upcoming Persian New Year celebration, which was set to take place in the same building a few days later. I didn’t go — but if I had, I’m sure the hors d’oeuvres would have been top-notch.
Julie Ershadi is a writer based on Washington, D.C. Capitol image courtesy of Big Stock Photo.
by Julie Ershadi ,Americas Future
Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman based his 2006 warrant for the arrest of top Iranian officials in the bombing of a Jewish community centre in Buenos Aires in 1994 on the claims of representatives of the armed Iranian opposition Mujahedin E Khalq (MEK), the full text of the document reveals.
The central piece of evidence cited in Nisman’s original 900-page arrest warrant against seven senior Iranian leaders is an alleged Aug. 14, 1993 meeting of top Iranian leaders, including both Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and then president Hashemi Rafsanjani, at which Nisman claims the official decision was made to go ahead with the planning of the bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA).
But the document, recently available in English for the first time, shows that his only sources for the claim were representatives of the MEK or People’s Mujahideen of Iran. The MEK has an unsavoury history of terrorist bombings against civilian targets in Iran, as well as of serving as an Iraq-based mercenary army for Saddam Hussein’s forces during the Iran-Iraq War.
The organisation was removed from the U.S. State Department’s list of terrorist groups last year after a campaign by prominent former U.S. officials who had gotten large payments from pro-MEK groups and individuals to call for its “delisting”.
Nisman’s rambling and repetitious report cites statements by four members of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), which is the political arm of the MEK, as the sources for the charge that Iran decided on the AMIA bombing in August 1993.
The primary source is Reza Zakeri Kouchaksaraee, president of the Security and Intelligence Committee of the NCRI. The report quotes Kouchaksaraee as testifying to an Argentine Oral Court in 2003, “The decision was made by the Supreme National Security Council at a meeting that was held on 14 August, 1993. This meeting lasted only two hours from 4:30 to 6:30 pm.”
Nisman also quotes Hadi Roshanravani, a member of the International Affairs Committee of the NCRI, who claimed to know the same exact starting time of the meeting – 4:30 pm – but gave the date as Aug. 12, 1993 rather than Aug. 14.
Roshanravani also claimed to know the precise agenda of the meeting. The NCRI official said that three subjects were discussed: “The progress and assessment of the Palestinian Council; the strategy of exporting fundamentalism throughout the world; and the future of Iraq.” Roshanravani said “the idea for an attack in Argentina” had been discussed “during the dialogue on the second point”.
The NCRI/MEK was claiming that the Rafsanjani government had decided on a terrorist bombing of a Jewish community centre in Argentina as part of a policy of “exporting fundamentalism throughout the world”.
But that MEK propaganda line about the Iranian regime was contradicted by the U.S. intelligence assessment at the time. In its National Intelligence Estimate 34-91 on Iranian foreign policy, completed on Oct. 17, 1991, U.S. intelligence concluded that Rafsanjani had been “gradually turning away from the revolutionary excesses of the past decade…toward more conventional behavior” since taking over as president in 1989.
Ali Reza Ahmadi and Hamid Reza Eshagi, identified as “defectors” who were affiliated with NCRI, offered further corroboration of the testimony by the leading NCRI officials. Ahmadi was said by Nisman to have worked as an Iranian foreign service officer from 1981 to 1985. Eshagi is not otherwise identified.
Nisman quotes Ahmadi and Eshagi, who made only joint statements, as saying, “It was during a meeting held at 4:30 pm in August 1993 that the Supreme National Security Council decided to carry out activities in Argentina.”
Nisman does not cite any non-MEK source as claiming such a meeting took place. He cites court testimony by Abolghassem Mesbahi, a “defector” who had not worked for the Iranian intelligence agency since 1985, according to his own account, but only to the effect that the Iranian government made the decision on AMIA sometime in 1993. Mesbahi offered no evidence to support the claim.
Nisman repeatedly cites the same four NCRI members to document the alleged participation of each of the seven senior Iranians for whom he requested arrest warrants. A review of the entire document shows that Kouchaksaraee is cited by Nisman 29 times, Roshanravani 16 times and Ahmadi and Eshagi 16 times, always together making the same statement for a total of 61 references to their testimony.
Nisman cited no evidence or reason to believe that any of the MEK members were in a position to have known about such a high-level Iranian meeting. Although MEK propaganda has long claimed access to secrets, their information has been at best from low-level functionaries in the regime.
In using the testimony of the most violent opponents of the Iranian regime to accuse the most senior Iranian officials of having decided on the AMIA terrorist bombing, Nisman sought to deny the obvious political aim of all MEK information output of building support in the United States and Europe for the overthrow of the Iranian regime.
“The fact that the individuals are opponents of the Iranian regime does not detract in the least from the significance of their statements,” Nisman declared.
In an effort to lend the group’s testimony credibility, Nisman described their statements as being made “with honesty and rigor in a manner that respects nuances and details while still maintaining a sense of the larger picture”.
The MEK witnesses, Nisman wrote, could be trusted as “completely truthful”.
The record of MEK officials over the years, however, has been one of putting out one communiqué after another that contained information about alleged covert Iranian work on nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, nearly all of which turned out to be false when they were investigated by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
The only significant exception to the MEK’s overall record of false information on the Iranian nuclear programme was its discovery of Iran’s Natanz enrichment facility and its Arak heavy water facility in August 2002.
But even in that case, the MEK official who announced the Natanz discovery, U.S. representative Alireza Jafarzadeh, incorrectly identified it as a “fuel fabrication facility” rather than as an enrichment facility. He also said it was near completion, although it was actually several months from having the equipment necessary to begin enrichment.
Contrary to the MEK claims that it got the information on Natanz from sources in the Iranian government, moreover, the New Yorker’s Seymour Hersh reported, a “senior IAEA official” told him in 2004 that Israeli intelligence had passed their satellite intelligence on Natanz to the MEK.
An adviser to Reza Pahlavi, the heir to the Shah, later told journalist Connie Bruck that the information about Natanz had come from “a friendly government”, which had provided it to both the Pahlavi organisation and the MEK.
Nisman has long been treated in pro-Israel, anti-Iran political circles as the authoritative source on the AMIA bombing case and the broader subject of Iran and terrorism. Last May, Nisman issued a new 500-page report accusing Iran of creating terrorist networks in the Western hemisphere that builds on his indictment of Iran for the 1994 bombing.
But Nisman’s readiness to base the crucial accusation against Iran in the AMIA case solely on MEK sources and his denial of their obvious unreliability highlights the fact that he has been playing a political role on behalf of certain powerful interests rather than uncovering the facts.
Gareth Porter, an investigative historian and journalist specialising in U.S. national security policy, received the UK-based Gellhorn Prize for journalism for 2011 for articles on the U.S. war in Afghanistan.
IPS
MKO leaders adopt inhuman approaches to use members as human shields
Reportedly, Qayda Kambash, an Iraqi parliamentarian, in her latest comment has remarked that “the reason of delay in expulsion of MKO members from Iraq is due to the pressure put by MKO leaders on the members.” 
She has further added that “MKO leaders’ fear of devastation of their group has led them to use Ashraf and Liberty residents as human shields to protect their own lives. That is why the group has resorted to lies, deception and suppression of own members.”
Ms. Kambash is not the first to make a comment about the inhuman approach by MKO to use members as human shields. Through any taken opportunity in the past, there has been an attempt by ex-members and other experts to tell the world of the concerns about the members not living but enslaved by MKO against their own will. Of course, the world couldn’t but they could easily see how the terrorist cult was exploiting insiders as human shields to safeguard its own entity rather than being the least concerned about the members themselves. At least through the past two years and since the implementation of decision by the Iraqi government to relocate members from Camp Ashraf, the Rajavies proved to be determined to preserve the insiders as human shields to construct a secure bulwark against a national and global decisiveness.
The transfer of the control of Camp Ashraf to Iraqi forces since 2008 and the Iraqi government’s determination to make a decisive decision about the residents of Ashraf enraged the group’s leaders and soon MKO propaganda machine initiated an intensive campaign against the Iraqi government. MKO’s first reaction was arranging a series of suicidal operations. On July 29, 2009 there was a report of deadly clashes between hundreds of Iraqi police forces and the members of MKO residing in Camp Ashraf that left 11 members dead and scores injured from the both side. While the reasons for the clash was said to be unclear at first, few knew that it was a pre-organized self-destruction plan by a number of Rajavi’s devotees to provoke Iraqi forces to trigger the clash that was well videotaped and broadcasted by the organization itself.
While the Iraqi forces and their commanders were still under the shock of the suicidal and violent behavior of the camp residents, MKO felt easy to feed its propaganda machine for months. Of course, soon the Iraqi authorities, not at first acquainted with the group’s self-destructive tactics, became more cautious to adopt appropriate methods when dealing with MKO. Despite all these efforts, MKO has been focusing on an interlocking violent-political campaign to draw attention of the international community through fraudulent claims and misinformation, most of which are distributed and circulated by the group’s paid or naïve political advocates. By rising tension at the residential camps against the Iraqi plans that are aimed at rightful measures to have more control over the camp, MKO leaders also intend to show a martyred image of the residents to question the legitimacy and capability of the Iraqi government in holding the control of Camp Liberty.
Accommodated with all the means of comfort and luxury in their residences in European countries, leaders claim to be making their best to protect the members in Iraq. But none of them feels any responsibility to explain why the cost of defending MKO is to be paid just by the rank and files. As evidences show, many MKO high-rankings can leave Iraq and reside in another country if necessary. In other words, they are not at all worried about their own future and thus, there is no need to risk their life and line as human shields in protection of the group in Iraq. The best means at hand at the present are the residents at Camp Liberty to be victimized as human-shields to bulwark Rajavi’s cult structure. However, as the international community is misinformed of what is really happening within the camp, comments made by personalities like Ms. Kambash can be trusted as evidences that MKO leaders are determined to use members residing at Camp Liberty as hostages and human shields just for organizational purposes.
By the arrival of Hassan Rohani as new president of Iran, three persons have expressed their worry, saying that Rohani is not moderate. These persons are:
By the arrival of Hassan Rohani as new president of Iran, three persons have expressed their worry, saying that Rohani is not moderate. These persons are:
1. Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli PM
2. John Bolton, America’s former ambassador to the UN
3. Maryam Rajavi, Wife of the leader of the terrorist group MeK
The first represents the Zionist Regime which is the main cause of war, murder and pillage in the Middle East and accounts Iran an obstacle to its goals.
The second, who is a "friend of Israel", represents a range of extremist warmongers in the U.S and also considers the IR a barrier to America’s dominance over the region.
The third represents a range of Iran’s opposition that support military attack on Iran, and is a practical ally of the two aforementioned above.
The first stream undertakes the task of impact on the U.S policy toward Iran; the second seeks to extend Iranophobia, and impact on U.S internal currents and figures (especially legislators) In line with that policy; and the third undertakes spreading anti-Iran rumors and making scenarios against Iran. All the three streams agree that negotiation with Iran produce no result. They assume the sanctions inefficient measures and Warn about the loss of time.
Following the publication of reports on the then Secretary of state, Hillary Clinton’s decision to delist the 
Mujahedin Khalq Organization from the US State Department list of foreign terrorist organizations in September 2012, one of the group’s high profile advocates, Congressman Ted Poe welcomed the Secretary’s intention stating that, the group “has been actively working with US intelligence agencies” (!)
”Some believe that one factor to facilitate the MKO’s removal from terror list was the amounts of money paid to groups like the MKO in order to destabilize the Iranian government,” suggested Mohammad Alavi a blogger of anti-MKO Aria Association "before the MKO was delisted, there was legal prohibition to use the group for that goal". He notices that the US Congress has approved a 3 billion dollar budget for influential efforts to overthrow the states labeled as "rebel" by the United State. The money is paid in cash or for example in exchange for the MKO’s social and political activities.
The fact leads us to the conclusion that the speaking fees the neo-con figures received for their speeches in pro-MKO rallies – which mounted from 3000$ to 16000 $ for a ten minute speech– were actually guaranteed by the US intelligence services that have already fed the MKO for its spying operations against Iran!
Indeed, American warmonger efforts to delist the MKO and the NCRI were useful in many ways. The dirty business of the MKO and its sponsors is now legally (!) registered under the guise of Democracy for Iran. The MKO opened its office across from the White House to facilitate such financial deals with its intelligence masters and congressional sponsors.
Following the confessions and reports on large amounts of money circulated and laundered among American donors and sponsors of the MKO ,the group so-called analysts assert that lobbying activities and paying money to Guiliani, Tep Poe ,Kennedy, Michael Mukasey , Bob Filner and … will stop bloodshed in the MKO camps. They claim that it will be a move for the sake of "people" and we should regard such payments as the Blood Money of "people"!
Speaking of “people”, you may remind the group propaganda that the MKO and NCR have not been on the side of “people” for over 35 years; the MKO is stranger to the “ people” of Iran. By regarding the MKO on People’s side, the MKO has to answer many questions over its cooperation with the Israeli and American Intelligence Service and over the 25 years of Massoud Rajavi’s obedience to Iraqi Intelligence chief under Saddam Hussein, General Taher Al Jalil Haboush.
Thus, Labeling the MKO as a popular group and assuming its acts as struggle for people is no honest as well as its paid advocates’ support for “Ashraf” and “Democracy in Iran”. As Michael Rubin former Pentagon official puts, "Mujahedin Alkhalq is a dishonest creepy cult". Even the opposition to Islamic Republic views the MKO as atraitors, spies, terrorists and mercenaries. Based on significant evidences and confessions of the group sponsors, the most meaningful term to address the so-called People’s Mujahedin is "Intel’s Mujahedin".
To be in the terrorist list, or not to be;
This is not the question
Undoubtedly, the MeK leadership is pleased by Ted Poe’s claims about the group collaboration with U.S intelligence agencies. On the other hand, probably, he is sorrowful why media in the U.S did not cover it.
Mr. Poe’s statements has being delivered in line with main policy of the MeK, which is closeness to the U.S and gain support from it, and meets two basic components: first, it seeks to hide the undemocratic and Stalinist nature of the MeK organization by pretending that they have renounced violence. Second, seeks to bring up group’s capacity to espionage against Iran, in order to attract U.S authorities’ attention to apply this group.
It is evident that, according to a general security rule, if the MeK was intelligence colleagues with the U.S, the Congressman was not allowed to speak a word about it; furthermore, such an action would be considered as whistleblowing of security secrets and it would yield serious consequences for him.
In fact, Mr. Poe just mentions to the same lies that Rajavi’s remnants through western media propagate against Iran. In other words, his statements are touting for the Rajavi’s gang in the U.S.
The main point in Ted Poe’s statements is that the MeK has renounced terrorism. Such efforts by U.S officials like Mr. Poe to cover up the group’s terrorist nature indicate U.S statesmen reaction against the proposal to recognition of the MeK as a democratic and non violent opposition of the Iranian government. So, once again it becomes clear that despite Rajavi’s illusions, getting out of the U.S terrorist list has changed nothing.
All members of the terrorist Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO, also known as MEK, NCR and PMOI) will be expelled from Camp Ashraf after the holy month of Ramadan, police sources said.
"Based on a decree issued by Diyala provincial court, Camp Ashraf which now shelters about 100 MKO members will be closed completely next week and after the end of the holy month of Ramadan," Spokesman of Diyala province’s Police Commander Qaleb al-Atiya told FNA on Sunday.
"The Iraqi government needs the large area of the Camp for trade and military uses and can no more give time to the MKO leaders for the full evacuation of the Camp," he added.
Earlier, the local administration of the Iraqi town of Khalis declared plans to build a mall in Camp Ashraf – the main training center of the MKO – after all members of the terrorist group are expelled from the Camp.
Khalis Mayor Uday AlKhadran told a press conference in July that an Iraqi court has transferred the authority of the site to the local administration of Khalis which plans to build a mall in there once all MKO terrorists are expelled from the Camp.
"The Camp of New Iraq (Ashraf) still accommodates 100 members of the MKO members, and the rest have already been transferred at the order of the UN to (the transient facility in Camp Liberty in Northern) Baghdad during the last year in preparation for housing them in other countries.
He further pointed to "the suspicious political activities of Ashraf residents who refused to sell the property of Camp Ashraf in accordance with their earlier agreement with the Iraqi government, despite receiving attractive offers from Iraqi and foreign traders and companies".
The Iraqi government evacuated Camp Ashraf almost completely last Summer and moved more than 3 thousand MKO members to Camp Liberty, and kept only 100 members in the Camp of New Iraq (Camp Ashraf) to complete the sale of property and transfer the money to the MKO.
The Diyala province which hosts Camp Ashraf has on several occasions declared its intention to invest in the Camp to turn it into a tourist site and build a large commercial exchange center for trade between Iraq’s Kurdistan region and Baghdad.
The MKO was a long-standing member of the US State Department’s list of terrorist organizations, but after heavy lobbying the group was dropped from the list last year. The group was allied to Saddam Hussein and retains a significant presence at Camp Liberty, and formerly at Camp Ashraf (its main training camp) during the US occupation.
The MKO group, founded in the 1960s, blended elements of Islamism and Stalinism and participated in the overthrow of the US-backed Shah of Iran in 1979. Ahead of the revolution, the MKO conducted attacks and assassinations against both Iranian and Western targets.
The group started assassination of the citizens and officials after the revolution in a bid to take control of the newly-established Islamic Republic. It killed several of Iran’s new leaders in the early years after the revolution, including the then President Mohammad Ali Rajayee, Prime Minister Mohammad Javad Bahonar and Judiciary Chief Mohammad Hossein Beheshti who were killed in bomb attacks by MKO members in 1981.
The group fled to Iraq in 1986, where it was protected by Saddam Hussein and where it helped the Iraqi dictator suppress Shiite and Kurd uprisings in the country.
The terrorist group joined Saddam’s army during the Iraqi imposed war on Iran (1980-1988) and helped Saddam and killed thousands of Iranian civilians and soldiers during the US-backed Iraqi imposed war on Iran.
Since the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the group, which now adheres to a pro-free-market philosophy, has been strongly backed by neo-conservatives in the United States, who eventually took the MKO off the US terror list.
The US formally removed the MKO from its list of terror organizations in early September 2012, one week after Secretary of State Hillary Clinton sent the US Congress a classified communication about the move. The decision made by Clinton enabled the group to have its assets under US jurisdiction unfrozen and do business with American entities, the State Department said in a statement at the time.
In September 2012, the last groups of the MKO terrorists left Camp Ashraf, their main training center in Iraq’s Diyala province. They have been transferred to Camp Liberty which lies Northeast of the Baghdad International Airport.
