Page 24 – Nejat Society

Mujahedin Khalq Organization as a terrorist group

The CEO of Nejat Society in the 16th court session of MEK trial

Ebrahim Khodabandeh, a former member of the Muahedin-e Khalq (MEK) and the director of Nejat Society, attended the 16th hearing of the accusations of the leaders of the MEK and the group as a legal entity.

Ebrahim Khodabandeh, as a former official of the MEK’s international relations in different countries, took the stand at the court and stated: I was a member of the MEK in the international relations department for 23 years and I have been active in the MEK’s affairs in more than 20 countries.

Khodabandeh further stated that a public meeting was held at the beginning of Massoud Rajavi’s presence in Iraq. “In this meeting, the office of the Islamic Republic Party was discussed and Masoud Rajavi declared that the explosion of the building was an explosion out of the anger of the people! But what did he mean by people? This explosion was the anger of the Mujahedin-e Khalq.” (Khalq means people in Persian.)

He added: “Rajavi announced for the first time in Iraq that the explosion of the office of the Islamic Republic Party was the work of the MEK. In this meeting, Rajavi was proud of the bombing of the office of the Islamic Republic Party.”

Referring to the reasons for the assassination of Ayatollah Beheshti, Khodabandeh clarified that Rajavi believed that Ayatollah Beheshti should be assassinated due to his mastery in international relations, his expertise in English language and his important role in the spread of the Islamic Revolution.According to Nejat Society’s CEO Rajavi used to say that Ayatollah Khomeini is the present and Ayatollah Beheshti is the future of the Islamic Republic and we must destroy the future.
About the cult-like nature of the MEK, Khodabandeh said, “According to Maryam Rajavi, the Mujahid Khalq is someone who firstly knows Masoud’s wishes and secondly, acts on Masoud’s wishes.”

On relations of the MEK and the United States who was once considered as the Imperialist enemy of the group, Khodabandeh addressed the audience in the court, “American Senator John McCain was giving a speech at the MEK’s headquarters in Albania, and when the American flag was shown, the members of the group stood up and clapped.”
Khodabandeh also explained about the current situation of the Cult of Rajavi, “Now the defectors of the MEK are more than the current members and the reason is that people have come to their senses and changed.”

August 17, 2024 0 comments

Iran

Iranian court held 16th trial session for the MEK’s terrorism case

The 16th trial session of the hearing on crimes of members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) terrorists was held in Tehran. The recent session was held at the 11th branch of the criminal court of Tehran province on Tuesday, August 13th in a case that tried 104 members of the MEK as well as the group as a legal entity in absentia. The court was presided by Judge Dehqani.

The court was attended by the lawyers of the plaintiffs, the family of the victims, the lawyers of the defendants the prosecutor’s representative and survivors of the group’s terrorist acts.

Molai, the lawyer of plaintiffs asked the court to deal with the terrorist act of bombing the office of the Islamic Republic Party on June 27th, 1981 out of many accusations included in the indictment.

As a survivor of the attack, Seyyed Mohammad Sajjadi, who was injured in that terrorist incident, was placed on the stand with the permission of the judge. “Many damages have been caused to the country by the horrible MEK, including myself, who was harmed in that terror attack,” he addressed the court. “I demand justice from the court. At that time, I spent all my wealth on treatment, and the treatment is still going on.”

The victim of the MEK’s terrorist act asked for severe material and spiritual punishment of the defendants. Asked by the judge to describe the explosion incident on June 27th, 1981, Sajjadi stated: “The meeting of the central council of the party started before the evening prayer, and the prayer was performed after the meeting. A few minutes after the start of the meeting, the explosion occurred.”

According to Sajjadi, as a result of the incident, the left side of his body, his eye, his lung and his head were hurt, and there is still a splinter in his ligament. He was also targeted by the MEK twice later.
“In September 1982, they hit the back of my head with a stick several times,” he told the judge. As an eye-witness, he was asked by the court about the extent of the damages the explosion caused to the building of the Islamic Republic party. Sajjadi answered, “The entire roof of the building collapsed”

Molai asked the judge for permission to show a video of Massoud Rajavi in which he admits to committing the terrorist act against the office of Islamic Republic party. The lawyer said, “We don’t have any proof as solid as confession.”

He further invited Ebrahim Khodabandeh, a former member of the MEK, in the international section of the group, as a witness, to appear on the stand. The judge clarifies that for the time being, Khodabandeh’s statements would be heard as the ones of an informant. The meeting to hear the testimony of the witnesses is scheduled for the next session.
Ebrahim Khodabandeh, a former member of the MEK and the director of Nejat Society, said: “I was a member of the organization for 23 years, and I accomplished missions for the organization in twenty countries, and I came to the country in 2003.”

About the bombing of the office of the Islamic Republic party he explained, “A public meeting was held in Iraq, which became known as the three-day meeting. In the meeting, the explosion of the office of the Islamic Republic Party was claimed by Rajavi. I remember Masoud Rajavi said in the meeting, ‘we have said everywhere that the people’s anger exploded the office.’” That was the anger of the People’s Mujahedin, (Khalq means people in Persian).
Based on Khodabandeh’s speech, “Rajavi said that our work was right and the Islamic Republic of Iran could no longer form this party. He was proud of it.”

August 14, 2024 0 comments

The cult of Rajavi

What was Aalan doing with a Kalashnikov at Camp Ashraf’s guard tower?

According to a document published by Amnesty International in January 1999, child soldiering is one of the worst forms of child labor abuse. Participation of children in the armed forces, especially in armed conflict, has devastating effects on their physical and mental integrity. Due to the small size and agility of children, they may be used in very hazardous assignments, and inexperience and lack of training may cause higher casualty rates among children. However, 1999 was among the same years that the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) was smuggling the children of its members from Europe and America to Iraq, to join its so-called Liberation Army.

On May, 2024, Amir Yaghmai, a former child soldier of the MEK published a photo from that era on his account on X social network and wrote:
“MEK claims that it has had no child soldier. This is a picture of me at the age of 14 in a military uniform at Camp Ashraf. After 1 year of active brainwashing by the authorities, I was transferred from Paris to Iraq in 1998, and this captivity lasted for 6 years. until the arrival of the American forces.”

Amir Yaghmaei at Camp Ashraf-Iraq

According to Amnesty International Child soldiering is usually a full-time occupation, which implies long hours of work and little possibility of returning home. Child soldiers are separated from their homes/families and rarely receive education.
On August 7, 2024, in the comments of Amir Yaghmai’s post and in order to validate it, another former child soldier named Azadeh Masoom published a photo of herself and two other child soldiers of the MEK. In this photo, the famous face of the child soldiers of the ME#K, Alan Mohammadi, can be seen next to Azadeh. In a few short sentences in caption, Azadeh refers to several dimension of child soldiering in the MEK’s army:
“This is the photo of Alan, 13 or 14 years old, who the MEK said she committed suicide with his weapon. What was a 13 or 14-year-old kid doing with a weapon? I was 17 years old sitting next to her, and Maryam Zuljalal, who is sitting on my left, I guess she was 17 years old because we were classmates when we were children.”

Alan Mohamamdi-Azadeh Maasoum and Maryam Zoljalal

Based on the Amnesty International document, most of the children who participate as soldiers in the conflicts either never went to school or dropped out in the early years of school. This concept can be proven in a sentence from Azadeh Masum. She does not know exactly how old was the girl on her left, Maryam Zuljalal, but based on this, she guesses that she is the same age as she was at the time, seventeen years old, because they were classmates when they were children. This means that these two teenage girls stopped going to school before the age of 17 and were deprived of education while they were under the legal age. Alan’s condition was worse. She was no more than thirteen years old when she was brought to Camp Ashraf.

Another former child soldier, Mohammad Reza Torabi also emphasizes the reality of Alan’s child soldiering and her opposition to staying in the oppressive and suffocating environment of Camp Ashraf by re-sharing the photo of Azadeh Masoom:
“Another crime of the MEK. Azadeh, who like me managed to escape from the grip of the MEK cult, is talking about Alan Mohammadi, a girl who was tricked by the MEK when she was 13-14 years old and was sent from Europe to Iraq and Camp Ashraf. From the very first days, live all of us, she started receiving military training and was given a Kalashnikov to guard in the towers around the isolated camp. Finally, due to the pressure of the MEK organization, Alan decided to end her life by pulling the trigger of her Kalashnikov in the watchtower. She preferred death to continuing her stay in the MEK cult.
Now MEK say, we didn’t have child soldiers. So what was Alan doing with Kalashnikov in the guard tower?
Curse the Mujahideen and Rajavi!”

The presence of a young teenage girl in the guard tower of a military barracks with a Kalashnikov is a clear example of a child soldier in a hazardous environment. The hazardous and accident-causing environment is one of the criteria that is discussed in details in the article 3 of the Amnesty International document.
Based on the article, child spldiering as a hazardous work is determined by the followings:
(a) work and activities which expose children to physical, emotional or sexual abuse;
(b) work underground, under water, or at dangerous heights;
(c) work with dangerous machinery, equipment and tools, or which involves the manual handling or transport of heavy loads;
(d) work in an unhealthy environment which may, for example, expose children to hazardous substances, agents or processes, or to temperatures, noise levels, or vibrations damaging to their health;
(e) work under particularly difficult conditions such as work for long hours or during the night or work which does not allow for the possibility of returning home each day.

The above-mentioned cases are all the hazardous conditions that the child soldiers of the MEK were exposed to in the camps of the group, including Camp Ashraf. In many of the available photos of child soldiers at Camp Ashraf, they are clearly in military uniform, Kalashnikovs in hand, and riding tanks and other military vehicles.

In the memoirs of child soldiers, we constantly hear and read about the dangers that threatened children’s spirit, body and dignity every moment inside the MEK. IN 1999, the Amnesty International document has recommendations to the international community on the necessity of banning the participation of children in war. These recommendations require the existence of a separate article in this regard in the convention against of child labor.

This is despite the fact that in the same years, between 1997 and 2002, the MEK brought at least 300 child soldiers from Western countries to Iraq. Many of them are still trapped in the MEK’s camp in Albania, a number of them were killed during violent clashes, and some of them, like Alan Mohammadi, committed suicide. And, some like Amir, Azadeh and Mohammad Reza are brave and self-made survivors of that era who chose to live in the free world not with the help of human rights conventions and Amnesty International, but with a little aid from the United Nations and with their own efforts.

Mazda Parsi

August 12, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq; A proxy force

In the conflict between Iran and Israel, where do the MEK stand?

Considering the escalation of the conflict between Iran and Israel, the stance of Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) during probable conflicts can be analyzed and predicted. Regardless of the relations between the government of Iran and other governments of the world, including the Zionist regime, the behavior of the MEK during past military conflicts has been recorded in the collective memory of the Iranian nation.

According to the existing testimonies and evidence, the MEK have always stood on the opposite side from the Iranian nation during tensions and military conflicts. Wherever enemies have shown hostilities against the Iranian nation, the MEK have struggled to have a share in these conflicts. So much so that they served Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war and were the spying and operational arm of the Iraqi Baath regime.

An immediate alliance with Saddam Hussein

Massoud Rajavi’s complicity with Saddam Hussein at the time of the imposed war was relatively immediate, so that shortly after Masoud Rajavi fled to France, he was expelled from the country, and it did not take long for him to quickly leave France for Iraq at the invitation of General Habbush, the then Iraqi chief of Intelligence service. Consequently, Saddam Hussein o0ffered them Camp Ashraf and provided Rajavi with many military equipment and other facilities.
As a result of this sinister alliance, a huge share of Iraq’s oil dollars was poured into the pockets of Rajavi’s organization, so that even today, when people are asked about the financial resources of the MEK, the main answer goes back to the large investments that the organization made with the dollars donated by Saddam Hussein.
Regarding the relations of the MEK with Israel, it should be noted that the fields of cooperation between the two sides have been laid out years ago. Despite the fact that the early Mujahedin received military training from Palestinian militant groups, and that Yasir Arafat was apparently one of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi’s favorite characters and even had meetings with him, the cooperation of the MEK with the Israeli intelligence agencies has been going on for decades. It has already started.

The extent of the MEK services to Israel

The first operational steps of this cooperation took place in 2002, when the MEK published the documents obtained by Israeli intelligence on Iran’s nuclear program. Gareth Porter, an American investigative journalist, has published his research on the role of the MEK as a media arm of the Mossad to expose Iran’s nuclear program. The crisis that caused Iran to be in conflict with the western world over its peaceful nuclear program. Porter calls it a “Manufactured Crisis.” In 2014, he wrote a book with the very title about Mossad’s role in creating documents against Iran’s nuclear program and delivering it to MEK.

In his book, Porter explains how George Bush and Israel succeeded in bringing Iran into crisis by claiming that Iran’s nuclear program is not peaceful. In this book, Porter explains in detail that the source of the American and Israeli claims about Iran’s nuclear program is doubtful.

The services of the MEK to Israel expanded in the following years. The MEK became Israel’s operational arm to assassinate Iran’s nuclear scientists. Ronen Bergman writes in the book “Get Up and Kill Him First” that after Ariel appointed Sharon Dagan as head of the Mossad, he put him in charge of disrupting Iran’s nuclear program, because they both saw Iran’s nuclear program as a threat to Israel. Dagan used various tricks to accomplish this. According to Dagan, the most difficult and of course the most effective was to identify key scientists in Iran’s missile and nuclear industry and then assassinate them. Mossad identified fifteen of these people and eliminated six of them.

The assassination of Iranian nuclear scientists was often carried out in the morning, on the way to work, with magnetic detonation bombs that a motorcyclist attached to their car. These operations and many others initiated by the Mossad, sometimes with the cooperation of the United States, were all successful. The operational forces for committing these assassinations were the MEK agents.

In 2012, NBC discussed about the assassination of 4 Iranian nuclear scientists since 2007 and quoted two American officials, without revealing their identities, and wrote that the attacks against Iranian scientists were carried out by members of the MEK with financial, training and logistic support of the Israeli intelligence service. The mentioned American officials told NBC that the American government was aware of the terror operation but had no role in it.

Investigative columnist Seymour Hersh stated in a report in the same year that Washington is involved in the training of the MEK agents. He said that the forces of the US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) started training them in 2005. Although Hersh was unable to contact the JSOC-trained members of the MEK who carried out the Israeli assassination operations, a senior former intelligence official told Hersh that the assassination operations received intelligence support from the US intelligence community. This security official said that the assassinations were basically carried out by the MEK, who are in contact with Israel, but America was the source of the information.
In a report that Al Jazeera published last year about the relations between Iran and Israel, it is also stated that over the past years, Israel has supported various groups that are violently in opposition to the Islamic Republic, and one of these groups is the People’s Mujahideen (MEK/ PMOI).

The most recent case regarding the terrorist cooperation of the MEK with Israel was the assassination of Kermani citizens during the fourth anniversary of General Soleimani. In a report, the Guardian published at the time, it noted the role of the MEK and Israel in this operation, although it acknowledged that American and British officials argued that the pattern of attacks on Kermani civilians was different from the pattern of assassination of nuclear scientists.
A strategic alliance

However, there are many evidence of operational and intelligence relations between the MEK and Israel, which are definitely more than two decades old. If the tensions between Iran and Israel increases, this time the MEK will act much more skillfully than during the time of Saddam Hussein, especially those who have received advanced espionage and military trainings from the Mossad and the US Army over the years. This time, the Cult of Rajavi will commit bigger betrayals with more destructive dimensions.

Cooperating with the enemy at war with the homeland is an unforgivable crime in all countries of the world. Treason is universally defined as engaging in war against one’s home country, attempting to overthrow its government, spying on its military, diplomats, or secret services for a hostile foreign power, or attempting to assassinate that country’s head of state. A person who commits treason – the MEK has a history in it- is considered as a traitor according to the law, and the punishment is severe according to international laws in all countries of the world. This means that in most countries the punishment for treason is life imprisonment, and in some countries where the death penalty is still customary, the punishment for betraying your own country is death.

Massoud Rajavi never stood on the right side of history by the side of his countrymen. In recent years, there have been news about Maryam Rajavi’s trip to Tel Aviv, her meeting with Netanyahu, or the Israeli ambassador in Albania, and similar news. Although the news could not be confirmed, what is certain is that the meeting with the Mossad agents has taken place at different levels of the MEK organization and the grounds for cooperation between the two sides have been provided from years ago. In case of a military conflict, the MEK is ready to provide services to Israel.

Mazda Parsi

August 11, 2024 0 comments

Nejat Publications

Nejat Newsletter No.115

INSIDE THIS ISSUE:

– Help MEK Child Soldiers Rebuild their Lives
Children in the military, including state armed forces, non-state armed groups, and other military organizations, may be trained for combat, assigned to support roles, such as cooks, porters/couriers, or messengers, or used for tactical advantage such as for human shields

– Mohammad Beit Salem, a 7-year-old victim of the MEK
Mohammad Beit Salem was only 7 years old when he was injured in a mortar attack by the terrorists of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK/ PMOI/ Cult of Rajavi).

– Nejat Society Albania’s Action in Support of Families
On Friday, July 19, 2024, the Nejat Society Albania took an action in support of the families of members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), who want to contact their loved ones after decades

– Virtual conference of Nejat Society Albania
Aldo Solullari, Media manager of Nejat Society Albania held a virtual conference on the occasion of World Youth Skills Day. World Youth Skills Day, observed annually on July 15th, recognizes the potential of young people as catalysts for change and contributors to a prosperous and sustainable future for all.

– MEK, a common enemy of all nations
under the principle of universal jurisdiction, any state has the right to pursue, prosecute, and punish
such criminals. Given the egregious nature of their actions, MEK members involved in torture and violence may face international accountability for their crimes.

– MEK’s 15th trial court
Ebrahim Khodabandeh, Nejat Society CEO attended the MEK’s 15th trial court in Tehran.
The 15th session of the trial court of 104 Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) members and the group as a legal
entity was held on July 9th, 2024

– Story of Bijar Rahimi
For Bijar Rahimi, 21 years of captivity in a destructive cult means losing the best time of his life. His youth
was lost like many other youths who fell into the trap of the MEK. He was recruited by fraudulent tactics of the MEK while he was seeking a good job, with the dream of a better life and prosperity.

– Some points on “Children of Camp Ashaf”
Amir Yaghmai, former child soldier of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) explains some points about “Children of Camp Ashraf”. Children of Camp Ashraf is a documentary directed by the Iranian journalist and film maker Sara Moien. The film is based on the life story of four of near a thousand children
of MEK members ..

– Reflections on Nejat Society’s gathering in Albanian media
On June 23, 2024, Nejat Society Albania, held a gathering in Tirana. The gathering was welcome by the Albanian public and media. As an officially registered Albanian entity, founded by former members of the
MEK and Albanian citizens, Nejat Society Albania received a large number of Albanians and Iranians living in Albania, in Tufinë district of Tirana. The event was covered by correspondents from various Albanian media outlets.

– Val-d’Oise: search of the premises of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK)
According to our information, the premises of the Iranian organization of the People’s Mojahedin were
the subject of a police intervention this Wednesday afternoon.

– Le Parisien report on France control operation of the MEK premises
SAINT-OUEN-L’AUMÔNE: CONTROL OPERATION OF THE POLICE, URSSAF AND FIREFIGHTERS AT AN IRANIAN ASSOCIATION ……An intervention seemed to indicate that around fifteen people lived there. Border police found three people who are prohibited from being on French territory.

– The great gathering of Nejat Society Albania in Tirana
On June 23, 2024, Nejat Society Albania, as a supporter of Iranians living in Albania and as an officially registered Albanian institute, held a large gathering with public invitation in Tufinë district of Tirana.

– Swedish SVT broadcasts “Children of Camp Ashraf” on the anniversary of Maryam Rajavi’s arrest
The documentary film “Children of Camp Ashraf” will be broadcast on Swedish TV channel SVT. Amir Yaghmai, a former child soldier of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), announced this news on X social network. The documentary will be shown in Swedish with English subtitles on Monday, June 17, at 10 pm local time. “Barnen Fran Camp Ashraf” is the Swedish title of the film.

– Why is le Monde’s investigative report on the MEK child soldiers worth to read?
The French newspaper Le Monde published a detailed report about former child soldiers of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). This report, written by Ghazal Golshiri, has four full pages of this widely circulated newspaper. It is titled: “We, the child-soldiers of the Iranian Mujahedin-e Khalq”. The publication of the report is important based on different aspects.
To view the pdf file click here

August 10, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization's Propaganda System

MEK’s shadow in European Parliament

While former U.S. Vice President Mike Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo were heaping praise on the Mojahedin-e Khalq (the People’s Mojahedin) at the group’s annual gathering in Paris in early July, the controversial and aging exiled Iranian opposition group was making similar advances in nearby Brussels.

The conservative Spanish politician Javier Zarzalejos, a member of the European People’s Party (EPP), the main center-right group in the European Parliament, was elected chair of the EP’s powerful Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE). LIBE is one of the most influential bodies in the assembly as it shapes the EU’s legislation in such sensitive areas as migration, counterterrorism, and foreign interference, among others.

What is less well known is that in the outgoing legislature (2019-2024), Zarzalejos served as the chair of the Friends of Free Iran (FoFI), a cross-party grouping of parliamentarians who support the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), the MEK’s umbrella organization. Zarzalejos is also the director of the neoconservative Madrid-based Foundation for Analysis and Social Studies (FAES), a think tank closely linked to former Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar.

FoFI does not appear to have a website. On its X profile, it claims to enjoy “an active support of many MEPs from all political groups,” yet it wouldn’t disclose the list of its members. In fact, the group’s activities suggest that platforming NCRI leader Maryam Rajavi in Brussels and Strasbourg may be the only reason for its existence.

These pro-MEK activities, consisting of calls for regime change in Iran and promotion of NCRI/MEK as the legitimate alternative to the current government led Tehran to place FoFi, Zarzalejos, and a few other associated parliamentarians on its sanctions list in October 2022. In retaliation, the European Parliament declared that it won’t engage any longer with the “Iranian authorities.”

The MEK, described by a range of expert observers from the State Department to the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute as “cult-like” or a “cult” centered around Rajavi and her late husband, has a long history of terrorist activity directed at westerners in Iran such that it earned a place on the U.S. and EU lists of terrorist organizations.

That the MEK was removed from those lists (in 2012 and in 2009 respectively) after a well-funded lobbying effort on its behalf, does not exonerate the group’s terrorist past, its bizarre internal practices, and human rights abuses that have been well-documented by institutions, including Human Rights Watch and the RAND Corporation, among others.

For someone like Zarzalejos to promote the MEK is even more peculiar given his close relationship to Aznar, one of the key promoters of the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq where the group was known for its service to Saddam Hussein.

But the drive for regime change in Iran apparently trumps consistency: Aznar himself addressed the MEK convention in 2010, as did scores of other cheerleaders for the Iraq war, starting with former U.S. national security adviser John Bolton, who was fired by ex-president Donald Trump for excessive hawkishness.

Not only should the MEK’s past record be a red flag for any politician claiming to uphold civil liberties, but its present activities have invited increased scrutiny, particularly in the context of heightened concerns over illicit attempts at interference in democratic processes in the U.S. and EU.
Last year, the European Parliament adopted a report on foreign interference in which it noted that the “extra-EU funding of political activities and politicians in the EU puts at risk the integrity of the democratic functioning of the EU Member States and requires thorough investigations to hold those complicit accountable.”

In that context, the role of the NCRI/MEK was highlighted, in particular its funding of the far-right Spanish party Vox as revealed by the Spanish newspaper El Pais. That may well be only the tip of the iceberg, as the MEK is known to pay lavish sums without disclosing the sources of its funding to former and present Western politicians to burnish its credentials.

Interestingly, the report was authored by Sandra Kalniete from Latvia, a fellow conservative from Zarzalejos’ EPP. But that report apparently didn’t persuade him to cut his ties to the MEK. In January 2024, he chaired a meeting in the European Parliament with an ex-parliamentarian, Struan Stevenson, known for his staunch support of the NCRI, and a member of the NCRI’s so-called foreign affairs committee, Farzin Hashemi. That meeting featured the presentation of a “report” on Iran’s nefarious influence networks in Europe, which consisted of thoroughly debunked smears against a group of Western academics with Iranian backgrounds targeted for their work by Iran International and Semafor.

Three months later, Zarzalejos, without mentioning the NCRI/MEK explicitly, repeated the group’s talking points by characterizing Iran as an “apocalyptic theocracy” and urging the EU to support the opposition “instead of echoing the defamation campaigns originating in the Iranian theocracy.”

Given the opacity surrounding FoFI’s membership, it is not clear whether Zarzalejos remains its chair in the new legislature. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that, as the examples above show, his links to the organization are recent enough to suggest a potential conflict of interest. On the one hand, Zarzalejos’ new position requires him to fight against malign foreign interference in the European Parliament. On the other hand, he has long been a champion of the NCRI/MEK which the EP itself has explicitly identified as an example of malign foreign interference.

That Zarzalejos’ election didn’t attract much attention may be explained by the fact that the media spotlight was focused on a far bigger scandal: the election of Charlie Weimers of the far-right Sweden Democrats — a party founded with neo-Nazi roots — as a vice-chair of the LIBE committee. Weimers happens to be another staunch foe of the Iranian government, and, like Zarzalejos, is on Tehran’s sanctions list, although he is known to support the son of the deposed shah, Reza Pahlavi, rather than Rajavi and the MEK.

That, however, may be a distinction without a difference: Pahlavi made clear his disdain for democracy by referring to it as an “inauthentic Western construct” at a recent national conservatism conference in Washington. What really matters is how European politicians endorsing undemocratic foreign figures like Rajavi and Pahlavi end up being in positions tasked with safeguarding civil liberties and democratic integrity in the EU.

Ultimately, such personalities are only likely to further highlight the irrelevance of the European Parliament in EU foreign policymaking. The EU’s top diplomat, Josep Borrell, is sending the European External Action Service political director and the EU’s chief nuclear negotiator Enrique Mora to the inauguration of newly-elected Iranian president Massoud Pezeshkian in Tehran early next month.

FoFI has predictably slammed the move but can’t stop it. There is an appetite in European capitals to at least test diplomacy with the new reformist administration in Tehran. That is not to say, however, that the activities of the MEK and its supporters in Western legislatures are completely harmless. To the contrary, they not only create a negative climate for diplomacy with Iran, but by embracing and normalizing non-transparent actors with destructive agendas, they also contribute to eroding the integrity of democratic systems.

Eldar Mamedov, responsible state craft
Eldar Mamedov is a Brussels-based foreign policy expert

August 5, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization's Propaganda System

The meeting of two bankrupts, Maryam Rajavi and Rudy Giuliani

The news was not covered by the group’s English media but it was broadcasted in its Persian websites: The former New York mayor, Rudy Giuliani and Maryam Rajavi the leader of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) addressed a meeting held by the group. However, the report was deleted from the front page of the group’s Persian speaking media in less than 24 hours.
Rudolph William Louis Giuliani is an American politician and disbarred lawyer who served as the 107th mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001. He is the former attorney of Donald Trump who is one of the most welcome speakers of the MEK-run events. Why does he choose to speak on behalf of a group which has almost no public support inside Iran? Why does he meet Maryam Rajavi who is the most hated Iranian opposition figure?

The answer lies in Giuliani’s background. In recent years, the man once celebrated as “America’s mayor” has fallen into disgrace. Just less than a month ago, Rudy Giuliani’s personal bankruptcy case was thrown out by a federal judge following nearly seven months of stalled progress, leaving the former New York City mayor without court protection from creditors owed more than $150 million.

Rudy Giuliani’s bankruptcy

Giuliani’s bankruptcy case, which has been marked by disputes with creditors over repeated failures to produce thorough financial records, can no longer continue, Judge Sean H. Lane of the US Bankruptcy Court for the Southern District of New York ruled Friday. Giuliani’s lack of transparency and failure to make meaningful progress over the course of his Chapter 11 justify dismissing the case, said Lane.

Rudy Giuliani had filed for bankruptcy, days after being ordered to pay $148 million in a defamation lawsuit, in December 2023. Rudy Giuliani filed for bankruptcy, acknowledging severe financial strain exacerbated by his pursuit of former President Donald Trump’s lies about the 2020 election and a jury’s verdict last week requiring him to pay $148 million to two former Georgia election workers he defamed.

The former New York City mayor listed nearly $153 million in existing or potential debts, including almost $1 million in state and federal tax liabilities, money he owes lawyers, and many millions of dollars in potential judgments in lawsuits against him. He estimated he had assets worth $1 million to $10 million.

Giuliani had been teetering on the brink of financial ruin for several years, but the eye-popping damages award to former election workers Ruby Freeman and Wandrea “Shaye” Moss pushed him over the edge. The women said Giuliani’s targeting of them after Republican Trump narrowly lost Georgia to Democrat Joe Biden led to death threats that made them fear for their lives. It is worth to know that the two election workers are black and Giuliani is accused of being racist too.

Is Rudy looking for a new financial resource?

The important fact is that Rudy Giuliani can’t use bankruptcy to skip out on $150 million in defamation damages, federal judge rules. However, he seems to be both financially and politically bankrupt as he never misses the hefty speaking fees, first-class fight to Paris and luxurious stay in French capital offered by Maryam Rajavi.

The MEK’s multi-million-dollar campaign has always been focused by western media. In September 2012 after group was removed from the terrorist list of the US State Department, the Guardian reported that the steady flow of funds to members of Congress, lobbying firms and former officials in support of the MEK ended to MEK’s delisting.

The Politico Magazine again highlighted the case when Guiliani was running Trump’s election campaign in 2016, by stating that Giuliani took money from the MEK. The author of the article referred to the MEK as “a group that killed Americans”.
According to Politico, the MeK has paid Giuliani handsomely for years—$20,000 or more, and possibly a lot more—for brief appearances before the group and for lobbying to have it removed from the State Department’s list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO), which occurred in 2012. MEK seems to be one of the most generous clients of former mayor of New York city and maybe the only entity who still gives credit to him by calling him “Mayor Giuliani”!

Maryam Rajavi’s bankruptcy

One of the dark points almost always repeated in reports on Giuliani’s background, refers to the MEK, his notorious client. His paid advocacy for the group and his meetings with the notorious cult leader, Maryam Rajavi, is frequently used as evidence for his moral, financial and political bankruptcy.
In October 2019, NBC NEWS reported that Giuliani’s work for Iranian group with bloody past could lead to more legal woes. NBC NWES published crucial questions that experts asked: “Lawyer? Lobbyist? Fixer? Rudy Giuliani’s overseas activities leave trail of questions”

The report revealed some of the overseas clients of Donald Trump’s former attorney in the past and present: “A Brazilian state bordering the Amazon jungle. A Russia-leaning Ukrainian mayor. A heavyweight boxing champion-turned-Ukrainian mayor. The government of Qatar. The government of Gabon. A Peruvian presidential candidate accused of campaign finance violations. A Romanian businessman accused of real estate fraud. A Turkish gold trader accused of laundering Iranian money. An Argentinian senator. A Chilean president. An Iranian dissident group once designated by the U.S. as a foreign terrorist organization.”

In September 2022, the NEW YORKER called the MEK as one of Giuliani’s sketchy clients: “After launching his career as a federal prosecutor and winning convictions of Wall Street inside traders like Ivan Boesky, Giuliani seems to have decided that riches were his due. Back in private practice, he began taking on all sorts of sketchy clients, from Purdue Pharma to the Mujahideen-e-Khalq, an exiled Iranian militia group that, in collaboration with Saddam Hussein, had slaughtered Kurds.”
In January 2020, The Daily Beast titled an article as “Rudy Giuliani Calls Former Iranian Terrorists ‘My People’”. The article denounced Giuliani for being “on the payroll” of the MEK: “MEK-linked groups paid Rudy Giuliani to get them off the U.S. list of terrorist groups.”

The sinister union of bankrupts

The MEK works as a scale to prove Giuliani’s malicious background. Maryam Rajavi is a political bankrupt and Ruly Giuliani is a financial bankrupt. It’s not surprising to see Rudy Giuliani “a buckraker with few principles” by the side of Maryam Rajavi, the leader of the MEK destructive cult with no principals, with a huge background of cult-like attitudes and violence against her own members and other civilians. This alliance is so notorious that the MEK could not dare to run the news in its propaganda machine.
Mazda Parsi

August 3, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization as a terrorist group

MEK, from Resolution 598 to Operation Eternal Light

To bolster its support from the Iraqi Ba’ath regime and demoralize Iranian troops, terrorist group Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) consistently painted Iran as a belligerent state obsessed with perpetual war. This narrative was crucial to the terror group’s strategy.
Consequently, the idea of Iran accepting UN Resolution 598 and pursuing peace with Iraq was utterly inconceivable to the MEK leadership. When Iran ultimately agreed to a ceasefire, it shattered the MEK’s core assumptions and drove Massoud Rajavi to make increasingly desperate and misguided decisions, placing immense hardship on the organization’s members and supporters.

Ali Akbar Rastgoo, a former MEK member, vividly describes the shockwaves that reverberated through the group upon Iran’s acceptance of the UN resolution: “The organization had built its army around the Iran-Iraq war. Their central belief was that the Iranian government would collapse without the continuation of war.” (Ali Akbar Rastgoo, The Mujahedin-e Khalq in the Mirror of History, Tehran, Center for Islamic Revolution Documents, 2005, p. 400)

Massoud Rajavi viewed the war as Iran’s lifeblood, holding its disparate elements together. With the war’s end looming, Rajavi predicted the imminent collapse of the Iranian government. He believed that the ceasefire would expose the government’s vulnerabilities and accelerate its downfall. In essence, Rajavi saw the war as Iran’s sole source of cohesion and legitimacy. (Ali Soltani, The End of an Illusion, Iran Newspaper, July 26, 2005)

The Iranian government’s acceptance of UN Resolution 598 brought the MEK’s armed struggle to a crossroads. The organization faced an uncertain future, casting doubt on the viability of its Liberation Army and its militant approach. In response, Rajavi presented a strategic framework to his members. Visualizing a triangle with ‘war,’ ‘peace,’ and a ‘war-peace limbo’ as its points, he argued that the current situation was trapped in the latter. To ensure the MEK’s survival, Rajavi emphasized the need to prevent a shift towards outright peace. Based on his assessment of Iraqi intentions, he proposed that the organization should strive to push the situation back towards war, anticipating a renewed conflict between Iran and Iraq (Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, Arising and the End (1965-2005), Vol. 3, Tehran: Institute of Political Studies and Research, 2006, p. 322).

This strategy, subsequently dubbed “Spark and War”, aimed to ignite conflict between Iran and Iraq. The MEK would provide the spark, while the ensuing war would be the desired outcome. All organizational resources were dedicated to disrupting peace talks and fostering discord. Rajavi believed that Iraqi intelligence and telecommunications apparatuses offered a more conducive environment for his machinations than the Iraqi society itself. Given their critical importance, the MEK activated a specialized unit to maintain close ties with these entities in order to create conditions favorable to the organization’s agenda. Although Saddam Hussein’s regime collapsed before the MEK could realize its dream of a second war, the organization exploited the ensuing chaos. Resuming urban warfare and resorting to tactics like mortar attacks and assassinations, the MEK sought to validate its armed approach and reinvigorate its demoralized members.

Rajavi transformed the MEK into an extension of the Iraqi military. Samad Nazari describes this subservient role in his book, The Devil’s Footprint. The Iraqi regime initiated the prelude to the MEK’s operation with a massive assault on western Iran on July 22, 1988. This attack involved extensive aerial bombardment and culminated in a ground invasion. In tandem, the MEK launched Operation Eternal Light on July 25, supported by Iraqi forces. Commencing from the Kermanshah – Gilan-e Gharb road and utilizing airdrops, the MEK advanced towards Kerend-e Gharb.

Benefiting from the Iranian military’s focus on southern fronts, the MEK captured Kerend with minimal resistance. Iraqi artillery provided overwhelming support, resulting in civilian casualties. After occupying Islamabad and perpetrating atrocities, the MEK pushed towards Kermanshah but was halted at the Chahar Zaber Gorge. Fierce Iranian counterattacks inflicted heavy losses on the MEK, and the battle raged through the night.

Ultimately, the arrival of Iranian reinforcements, including army, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, and air force units, marked the beginning of Operation Mersad on July 27, 1988. This decisive operation inflicted a crushing defeat on the MEK, signaling the catastrophic failure of their strategy.

July 31, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization as a terrorist group

The Eternal Illusion

The summer of 1988 witnessed a dramatic clash between Iran and the Mujahedin-e Khalq (aka MEK, MKO, PMOI) terrorist group. In the wake of an eight-year war with Iraq, Iran faced a renewed threat on its western borders. The MEK launched an offensive codenamed Operation Forough-e Javidan (Eternal Light), aiming for a swift overthrow of the Iranian government. Their gamble, however, met with a fierce Iranian response – Operation Mersad, conducted on July 27, 1988.

With Iran’s acceptance of UN Resolution 598, the illusion that had sustained the MEK began to crumble. Threatened by the prospect of an end to the war, they launched a desperate propaganda campaign. Painting Iran’s acceptance of the resolution as a sign of weakness, they plunged headlong into a dangerous fantasy: the invasion of Iran.

On July 25, 1988, fueled by delusion and bolstered by the support of Iraq’s Ba’athist regime, the MEK’s Liberation Army set out from their Iraqi bases. At 4 pm, they crossed the Khosravi border, marking the beginning of Operation Eternal Light. Their plan envisioned reaching Tehran within 48 hours, maintaining a minimum speed of 70 kilometers per hour (1).

In their delusion, they aimed to traverse the cities of Sarpol-e Zahab, Islamabad, Hamadan, and Qazvin in five stages within 33 hours to reach Tehran. The Iraqi government supported them with substantial military aid, including 120 tanks, 400 armored personnel carriers, 90 (80mm) mortars, 30 (122mm) cannons, 150 (400mm) mortars, 1000 Kalashnikov assault rifles, 30 (106mm) cannons, and 1000 trucks and vehicles.

As the MEK launched their ground invasion, a coordinated aerial assault unfolded. Iraqi jets and helicopters pounded Iranian airbases like Hamedan’s Shahid Nojeh, Dezful, Havanirooz 1st Combat Base in Kermanshah, and Saqqez 2nd Brigade Base (2).

A number of battalions employing 130-mm Field Artillery lined up west of Sarpol-e Zahab, raining fire down on Iranian positions guarding the Patagh Pass, clearing the way for the MEK’s advance. Iraqi aircraft also took out communication towers in Kerend, further isolating the Iranian forces. Attack helicopters hovered over the MEK’s frontline, spewing fire at Iranian troops and tanks stationed at the pass.

With MEK’s rapid advance, the Gilan-e Gharb border region became a scene of mass killings. In Islamabad, the MEK stormed and destroyed government buildings, unleashing a wave of terror in a grotesque attempt to win over the population (3).

Fierce clashes with civilians

While the MEK encountered minimal resistance on the southern fronts due to a stronger Iranian presence elsewhere, their dreams of a jubilant welcome in Kerend were dashed. Instead of open arms, they were met with fierce defiance. Gendarmerie forces, Revolutionary Guards, and even civilians banded together at the city’s entrance, putting up a valiant fight against them. The clash triggered a mass exodus. Families fled, seeking refuge in Islamabad or the surrounding mountains. By nightfall, Kerend stood eerily empty, a town surrendered to the MEK.

One brigade remained to secure the city, while the others, fixated on the “advance with maximum speed” strategy, pressed onward to Islamabad. Here too, the MEK encountered pockets of resistance. Local forces and government centers engaged in scattered clashes that stretched into the night. Meanwhile, the city’s residents poured towards Kermanshah, clogging the Islamabad-Kermanshah road with panicked families. The Hassan Abad Pass and Chahar Zebar Gorge were sealed shut.

Driven by their delusional belief in “popular support,” several MEK columns sped towards Kermanshah after capturing Islamabad. However, their momentum was halted before reaching Chahar Zebar Gorge by the very “support” they craved – the heavy traffic of fleeing civilians. The illusion shattered, the MEK vanguard faced its first real challenge. Their lead Jeep was ripped apart by an RPG, sparking a battle around the Hassan Abad Pass and Chahar Zebar Gorge. Despite heavy casualties on both sides, nightfall brought no victory. The following day (Day 2) saw renewed clashes, with the MEK commanders ordering desperate attacks. Each attempt, however, proved futile, leaving behind a trail of carnage and dwindling resources.

The MEK’s heavy losses

The MEK’s “advance with maximum speed” strategy unraveled within hours. The geographical conditions of the region, coupled with the effective tactics and deployment of Iranian forces (both the army and Revolutionary Guards), left the MEK floundering. Their offensive stalled, unable to attack, defend, or even maneuver effectively.

This vulnerability became increasingly glaring as time went on. Panic gripped the MEK ranks, particularly those recruited from outside Iran. These individuals, lured by political promises, had never experienced the horrors of war – the deafening roar of weapons, and the rain of bullets. Now, they found themselves thrust into the heart of a brutal conflict. Many were cut down in the opening moments, easy targets due to their lack of training and battlefield awareness. Their unfamiliarity with basic weaponry like the Kalashnikov left them unprepared for close-quarter combat. According to eyewitnesses, they peeked from trenches, offering themselves up as easy targets due to their inexperience.

The MEK leadership’s decision to promote inexperienced female commanders for political gain further compounded these problems. Many of these women lacked battlefield expertise, having served previously in logistical or political roles. Thrust into the role of tactical commanders, their inexperience proved deadly.

Continuous attacks from the Iranian Air Force and helicopters pounded the MEK forces. Helicopter-borne assaults from the surrounding hills inflicted further damage. Any attempt at movement became suicidal. The MEK found themselves desperately clinging to their positions, communication with command centers severed. Casualties mounted rapidly – commanders killed, wounded, or forced to retreat. The once-confident MEK offensive lay in tatters. Senior commanders pleaded with their leader for increased Iraqi air support. Mahboubeh Jamshidi (alias Azar), commander of the vanguard forces, even requested a chemical attack. However, Saddam Hussein’s attention had shifted. The botched Iraqi offensive on Ahvaz demanded his focus, leaving the MEK largely on their own. While Iraqi jets had initially participated in Operation Eternal Light, their presence dwindled by the second day. A lone helicopter, shot down by Iranian anti-aircraft near Kerend, showed this waning support.

By day three, the southern fronts had consumed all Iraqi air resources. No further support materialized, save for a few helicopters used to evacuate casualties. Faced with mounting losses – over 1,500 dead in just three days, according to the MEK’s own records – Rajavi was forced to make a desperate choice. Orders crackled through radios and walkie-talkies: retreat. It was a desperate scramble for survival. The MEK’s casualty list, while claiming only 1,500 dead, hinted at a far more devastating reality. More were wounded or missing. Only a meager 30 managed to escape back to Iraq. According to an MEK intelligence report, the remaining forces were scattered – killed or captured in clashes across the mountainous regions around Kerend, Islamabad, and other nearby cities. Iranian sources, citing available documents, estimated the MEK’s losses to be even higher – exceeding 2,500. Operation Eternal Light, a gamble that backfired spectacularly, marked the end of the MEK’s military ambitions.

References

1- Samad Nazari, The Devil’s Footprint, Nejat Association Publications, Tehran, 2011, p. 152
2- Reza Bastani, The Role of the Mujahedin Khalq Organization in the Iran-Iraq War, Negin Quarterly, No. 3, Winter 2002
3- Sabbar Fallah Al-Lami, Occupation and Medal, translated by Mohammad Nabi Ebrahimi, Tehran: Soroeh Mehr Publications, 2007, p. 22

July 31, 2024 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq; A proxy force

Friend or Foe? Saddam’s Shifting Stance on the MEK

The summer of 1988 marked a critical juncture in the tumultuous history of Iran. In the wake of an eight-year war with Iraq, Iran faced a renewed threat on its western borders. The Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (aka MEK, MKO, PMOI), backed by Saddam Hussein, launched an offensive, codenamed Operation Forough-e Javidan, with the ambitious goal of toppling the Iranian government. However, under immense pressure, Iran countered with Operation Mersad, a swift and decisive response on July 27, 1988 that halted the MEK’s advance. This article examines the events of this pivotal confrontation and explores Saddam’s perspectives to understand the complexities of his relationship with the MEK and how he viewed them as a tool or a liability in his regional ambitions.

According to Iraqi officials, the timing of their 1988 invasion of Iran was a calculated response to a shift in the balance of power. Iran’s recent victories in Operations Valfajr 8 and Karbala 5 had strengthened their hand, prompting Iraq to believe that a revision of the terms of UN Resolution 598, passed at the height of Iran’s success, was necessary. Diplomatic channels proving fruitless, the Iraqi leadership saw a renewed offensive as the only way to regain leverage in negotiations. They launched a two-pronged attack, deploying forces westward and towards the southern cities of Khorramshahr and Ahvaz (1).

However, another analysis suggests Saddam Hussein’s motives were more complex. This view posits that the invasion, undertaken in the war’s waning days, was a gamble – a chance to achieve a decisive victory. Success in this operation would have not only toppled the Iranian government but also installed a loyal government in neighboring Iran, fulfilling a longstanding dream of Saddam. Even defeat, it is argued, held a perverse benefit for Saddam: the elimination of the Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), an Iranian terrorist group the Iraqi dictator viewed as a threat. This perspective suggests that Saddam, motivated by a combination of ambition and paranoia, authorized the invasion despite the war’s near-conclusion and the implementation of Resolution 598 (2). In other words, despite doubts about the operation’s success, Saddam saw the MEK as expendable. In peacetime, they would be a burden – a burned-out and cumbersome pawn. In fact, by greenlighting Operation Eternal Light, Saddam aimed to achieve two objectives: eliminate the MEK, and project goodwill by handing them over to Iran with their own consent. Even if the operation failed, he reasoned, Iran would benefit from the removal of the MEK.

Additionally, some analysts point to Saddam’s own personality as a key factor. They argue that, perceiving Iran as weakened, he sought to deliver a knockout blow or, at the very least, strengthen his bargaining position in ceasefire negotiations. This strategy, they claim, aimed to solidify Iraqi military superiority by capturing Iranian territory and seizing prisoners.

An alternative perspective emerges when examining Saddam’s public statements. On June 29, 1988, he made official pronouncements about peace while condemning Iran’s continued resistance. These pronouncements portrayed him as victorious, bolstered by his perceived support from the United States and its allies. Interestingly, he also included a statement regarding the MEK:

“The Iranian people yearn for peace, and I am confident they will compel their government to pursue it. The heroism of the Mujahedin-e Khalq at Mehran is a testament to this resolve. A day will come when outside intervention is no longer necessary. The MEK will then infiltrate the heart of Iran, and the Iranian people will surely join their cause” (3).

The reality of Operation Eternal Light itself sheds further light on the situation. The plan consisted of three phases: the first two involved large-scale Iraqi offensives, while the third was reserved for the MEK. The Iraqi attacks aimed to breach Iranian defenses in the west and south, while the MEK would then capitalize on the breakthrough for a rapid push towards Tehran.

The prelude to Operation Eternal Light unfolded on July 22, 1988, with a brutal Iraqi offensive. Airstrikes pounded Iranian airbases in the west, followed by aerial and artillery bombardments of Iranian border towns. Simultaneously, a large-scale ground invasion commenced in the south, a clear attempt to distract Iranian forces from the true objective: the MEK’s attack in the west.

The brutality of the offensive extended beyond conventional warfare. Iraqi artillery pounded the strategic Patagh Pass, and chemical weapons were deployed north of the Rijab Pass, inflicting heavy casualties on nearby villages. Propaganda leaflets rained down on Iranian border towns, including Kerend-e Gharb. These leaflets, dropped by Iraqi aircraft, declared a large-scale operation and urged Iranian troops to surrender. In addition, civilians were instructed to evacuate the area (4). This complex operation suggests Saddam may have held some hope for its success, despite doubts about the MEK’s role.

References
1- Source: Journal of Iran-Iraq War Studies, Center for War Studies and Research of the IRGC, No. 17
2- Ali Akbar Rastgoo, The Mujahedin-e Khalq in the Mirror of History, Tehran, Center for Islamic Revolution Documents, 2005, p. 402
3- IRNA Bulletin, June 29, 1988
4- Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, Arising and the End (1965-2005), Vol. 3, Tehran: Institute of Political Studies and Research, 2006, p. 322

July 30, 2024 0 comments

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