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USA

U.S. will stick to plan for Iraq pullout

U.S. will stick to plan for Iraq pullout – [U.S. monitoring MEK situation at Camp Ashraf]
 

The United States expects to keep to its plan to withdraw combat forces from Iraq within a year despite a spate of bomb attacks, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq said on Thursday.
The United States expects to keep to its plan to withdraw combat forces from Iraq within a year
"During this year we’ll ensure that our troops are withdrawn on schedule, by the president’s timetable," U.S. Ambassador Christopher Hill told the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
In their place would be a "strong healthy relationship between the U.S. and Iraq," he said.

U.S. forces invaded Iraq in 2003 to topple Saddam Hussein and 130,000 troops still remain to help secure the country and train Iraqi forces. They withdrew from urban centers in June.

President Barack Obama has set a deadline of August 2010 for the removal of U.S. combat forces and all American troops are to be withdrawn by the end of 2011. Some 4,300 U.S. soldiers have been killed, tens of thousands of Iraqis have died and millions displaced in the past six years.

Hill said the Aug. 19 bombings that killed nearly 100 people at the Iraqi finance and foreign ministries had been "particularly horrifying" but he believed the Iraqi people rejected a new cycle of violence.

"The bombings in recent months show that we still have to deal with al Qaeda in Iraq that tries to rekindle violence," said Hill, who has been ambassador since April. "To the great credit of the Iraqi people, they have not risen to the bait."

The top U.S. commander for day-to-day operations in Iraq, Lieutenant-General Charles Jacoby, said he believed that most of the high-profile attacks since June had been carried out by al Qaeda, and that any accelerated U.S. troop withdrawal may hinge on whether those attacks subsided.

DISSIDENTS
"It’s too early really to say right now whether the operational environment is going to support accelerated troop withdrawals. We’ll be ready to do that if we’re asked to and if we think that the security environment has improved," Jacoby told reporters at the Pentagon in a video-conference from Iraq.

"One of the questions is how much longer al Qaeda can continue these types of high-profile attacks. They are not frequent … we will see if they punch themselves out."

In the Senate, Foreign Relations Committee Chairman John Kerry said that if Iraqis rejected a bilateral security pact with the United States in a possible referendum next year, "then I believe we have no choice but to withdraw all of our forces as quickly as we can."

Hill also said the United States was monitoring the status of Iranian dissidents who were arrested in Iraq in July when Iraqi security forces moved into an Iranian exile camp.
He said U.S. officials had sought and received assurances from Iraq that the 36 detainees would be treated humanely and not sent back to Iran.
"We have made it very clear to the Iraqi government, that we are interested in the well being of these people, the preservation of their human rights; that they should not be forcibly repatriated to Iran," Hill said.

Residents of Camp Ashraf near the Iranian border say the Iraqi government killed at least seven people when security forces moved in on July 28, an incident that raises concerns about the dwindling U.S. influence in Iraq. Thirty-six camp residents were arrested by Iraqi police on charges of rioting.
Camp Ashraf is home to the People’s Mujahideen Organization of Iran (PMOI) dissident group, considered a terrorist organization by the United States, Iraq and Iran. The U.S. military had awarded the 3,500 camp residents protected status after they agreed to surrender weapons in 2004.
(Additional reporting by Adam Entous)
By Susan Cornwell

September 12, 2009 0 comments
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Mujahedin Khalq; A proxy force

Inept at Both Killing and Coddling Terrorists

The latest rationale – an old one, really, now recycled – for the endless NATO mission in Afghanistan – is that we are there to cleanse that country of terrorists. But not all terrorists are created equal. Some terrorists we rather like.

Washington is angry at Baghdad because Iraqi troops recently stormed a camp north of Baghdad belonging to the Mujahideen-e-Khalq.

That’s the Iranian group that several American administrations have backed, even though the state department branded it a terrorist organization for killing Americans and others in the 1970s. (Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyed Khamenei, is partially paralyzed from an alleged Mujahid attack).

In 1986, the group was welcomed and armed in Iraq by Saddam Hussein, then waging a war on Iran – with American blessing.

The group joined his war on Iran and reportedly also his domestic wars on the Kurds and Shiites.

Even after the U.S. turned Saddam from friend to foe, it continued his policy of befriending the enemy of the enemy. Hawkish members of Congress shilled for the Mujahideen, despite reports that the group had become a cult. Defectors were telling horror stories of devotees being indoctrinated, forced to live gender-separated lives, and of families being broken up.

In a twist of fate, the U.S. inherited the Mujahideen camp after its 2003 occupation of Iraq. It disarmed the group but provided it protection. It ignored Iran’s calls for the extradition of the "terrorists."

With last month’s transfer of security to Iraq, the camp lost its U.S. military post. On Tuesday, Iraqi troops moved in. At least seven people were killed, dozens injured.

Iraq wants to close the camp and send its 3,400 inhabitants to Iran or some third countries. About 1,000 are said to hold non-Iranian documents, including Canadian papers.

The Camp Ashraf Iranians cannot be deported to Iran. They won’t feel safe there. That leaves the U.S. and its allies to resettle them. Any takers in Canada, the U.S. and Europe?

The European Union and Britain recently lifted the group’s terrorist designation. Perhaps the more enthusiastic pro-Mujahideen politicians in Europe and North America would now offer their home districts as hosts for their friends.

The war on terror in Afghanistan is going terribly and has been since 2006, as recently acknowledged by Robert Gates, U.S. defence secretary, and Mike Mullen, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff.

The policy of eradicating poppy production has also been "a failure," says Richard Holbrooke, special envoy for Afghanistan. "We wasted hundreds of millions of dollars, put farmers out of work, alienated families, and drove them into the arms of the Taliban."

Casualties, civilian and military, including Canadian, are at a record high. So are Taliban ambushes.

The situation is to be turned around by having more troops take on the Taliban; training more Afghan soldiers; minimizing civilian casualties from air attacks; letting poppy crops be, for now, since they are the largest source of income for farmers; and engaging "moderate Taliban" in negotiations.
Haven’t we heard this before?

How long have NATO and United Nations officials been saying that you can’t win by killing civilians?
Hasn’t the U.S. alone spent $15 billion on training programs? Why would another $10 billion to $20 billion that’s needed to train the required 260,000 Afghans be less prone to corruption and incompetence?

Hasn’t it been accepted wisdom for years that what Afghanistan needs is a political solution? Yet there’s no discernible effort.

While there’s a more honest assessment of the crisis as well as a military and a diplomatic surge under Barack Obama, there’s no coherent long-term plan. What we see instead are limited objectives:

Get Afghanistan through the Aug. 20 presidential election in as peaceful a manner as possible, and prepare the ground for an American exit in time for the midterm U.S. congressional elections in the fall of 2010.

by Haroon Siddiqui – August 2, 2009 by the Toronto Star/Canada
Common Dreams.org

September 12, 2009 0 comments
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Mujahedin Khalq Organization members' families

Sha’aban Izakian Family Worry about the fate of their son residing in Ashraf

Nejat Society Mazandaran Branch visit Sha’aban Izakian Family

Nejat Society, Mazandaran Office reported that its members visited family members of Sha’aban Izakian. They succeeded to see his old mother, together with a number of recently defected members.
Nejat Society Mazandaran Branch visit Sha'aban Izakian Family
During the visit, the brother asked about the situation of Ashraf residents. One of the defectors explained the current situation ruling the cult in Camp Ashraf while the old mother was listening to him carefully. Then she began talking of her memoirs of his son “Musa”.
After, she listened to what others said about the actual condition of Camp Ashraf and the recent incidents; she got so upset and worried about the fate of her son who hasn’t contacted them for years.
The mother was moved by visiting the ex-members of MKO who succeeded to return home.
She was so motivated to see Musa again that she cursed Rajavi as the person who caused the separation of her son from her speaking of other disasters Rajavi caused on their neighbors and friends, she said:
Nejat Society Mazandaran Branch visit Sha'aban Izakian Family“Rajavi ruined a lot of families in this quarter. Kamran Khala’tbari and Iraj Taleshi are two of our neighbors who are now captured in Camp Ashraf. Hamide Kouzehgar was also in Ashraf but she died there due to cancer and was buried there too. The house behind ours is her Father’s.”
Mustafa shaa’ban Izakian, Musa’s brother showed his deep concern on the fate of his brother, asking Nejat Society to help them visit their brother and release him from the organization which has always used its members as tools of Rajavi’s ambition.
At the end, Mrs. Izakian condemned the acts of MKO during the eight years of Iran-Iraq war and asked for serious moves to release his son from Iraq.

September 10, 2009 0 comments
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Mujahedin Khalq; A proxy force

MEK as Human bargaining chips in deals with Iran

Seven summers ago, in a crowded conference room of a Washington hotel, an Iranian exile leader gave the first detailed public account of Iran’s until-then secret nuclear projects at the cities of Natanz and Arak. It greatly turned up the volume of a seemingly endless international controversy over Iran’s nuclear intentions.

The disclosures, on August 14, 2002, did little to earn the group that made them, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), merit points from the U.S. government. A year later, the Washington office of the NCRI, the political offshoot of Iran’s Mujahideen-e-Khalq (MEK) resistance movement, was shut. The State Department placed the group on its list of terrorist organizations. (The MEK, also known as the People’s Mujahideen Organization of Iran, had been given that designation in 1997).

Now, another five summers later, two dozen MEK supporters are on hunger strike across from the White House to exhort the U.S. government to stick to promises to protect some 3,500 members of the organization in a camp north of Baghdad. Iraqi forces stormed Camp Ashraf in late July and the MEK says nine residents were killed in the initial assault. Two have since died of their injuries.

Hunger strikes in solidarity with the residents of Camp Ashraf were also taking place in Berlin, London, Brussels and Ottawa and at the camp itself. They draw attention to an arrangement that was both unique and bizarre – an enclave of people labeled terrorists by Washington but protected by U.S. military forces – and speak volumes about erratic U.S. policies on a group hated by Iran’s theocracy.

Those at Camp Ashraf, including around 1,000 women, have become, in effect, bargaining chips in the complicated relationship between the United States, Iraq and Iran. The raid on the camp coincided with a visit to Iraq by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. What better way for Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to demonstrate that the Iraqis, not the Americans, are in charge now that Iraqi troops have assumed control under the Status of Forces Agreement signed last year?

What better way, too for Maliki, once derided as an American puppet, to show Iran’s hard-liners and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad that Iraq’s Shi’ite-dominated government wants to tighten relations with Tehran? The raid on Camp Ashraf drew applause from Iranian officials, including Ali Larijani, the hard-line speaker of parliament. "Praiseworthy," he said, "even though it is rather late."

The MEK was founded in 1965 by leftist students and intellectuals opposed to the Shah of Iran, and it played a part in the Islamic revolution that toppled his rule in 1979. But it soon fell out with the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and was banned in 1981, when it began a campaign of bombings and assassinations of government officials.

WARNINGS OF HUMANITARIAN DISASTER

In 1986, under an agreement with Saddam Hussein, it established bases in Iraq from where it launched cross-border raids into Iran.

Since 2003, when U.S. forces disarmed MEK guerrillas in Camp Ashraf and took over its protection, the government in Iran has repeatedly demanded that they be turned over to Iran. Their prospects there would be bleak, more so at a time when the Iranian government is staging mass trials of people who demonstrated against Ahmadinejad’s disputed re-election in June.

In an open letter to President Barack Obama, in the form of a full-page advertisement in the Washington Times, MEK supporters this week warned of a humanitarian disaster unless U.S. forces reassumed control, at least temporarily. "The long-term solution to the problem is the presence in Ashraf of United Nations forces or at least a U.N. monitoring mission."

This is not the first time that the MEK has served as a bargaining chip in Middle Eastern politics. The group was placed on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations in 1997 at a time when the Clinton administration hoped the move would facilitate opening a dialogue with Iran and its newly elected president, Mohammad Khatami, who was seen as a moderate.

The European Union put the MEK on its terrorist blacklist five years later. Critics of the decision saw it as kowtowing to Iranian demands to avoid harming important trade relations. After years of legal wrangling, the EU took the MEK off its list of banned terrorist organizations on Jan. 26, a decision that infuriated Tehran.

Somewhat ironically for a country described as the world’s "most active state sponsor of terrorism" by the U.S. State Department, Iran said the EU’s decision meant Europe had "distanced itself from the path of the international community in fighting terror."

The Obama administration has shown no sign of even considering taking the MEK off the terrorist list and thus further complicate its already complicated relations with Iran. Is abandoning the people at Camp Ashraf to an uncertain fate an option?

Bernd Debusmann August 20th, 2009

September 9, 2009 0 comments
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Former members of the MEK

Memoirs of Ms. Soltani ex- Member of PMOI’s Leadership Council

Ms. Batoul Soltani former member of the leadership Council of People’s Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI, MKO, MEK) was released after two decades of being captive in the cult of Rajavi …during those years she lost her kids and her warm family center. The life of Ms. Batoul Soltani is mostly like a tragic drama that seems like an incredible fate. She is now stepping in a way to rejoin her missing husband and children.

To be a Mujahed
I‘m a woman escaped from MKO camp
Behind the smiles of the captives in Ashraf
Unsaid stories on a castle called Ashraf
Mujahedin’s Machiavellian approach towards the US administration
The SYSTEMATIC CONTROL within MKO
Manipulating Cult Techniques to exploit the insiders
Imposing maximum pressure for laboring, to leave no time for thinking
Saints of MKO Leadership Council
Rajavi:You shouldn’t get arrested alive
Mujahedin’s struggle principals
MKO instrumental misuse of individuals
Regime change in Iraq resulted dramatic changes for Rajavi
Why did Rajavi create his so-called Leadership Council?
A phenomenon called the “Leadership Council”
Masud Rajavi is the fixed axis of the organization
Masud Rajavi’s Marriages
On MKO’s Ideological Revolution
MKO key Formula: Why Maryam … Because Masud
Rajavi and The Leadership Council
Masud Rajavi Married every woman of the Leadership Council
No member of Leadership council dares to tell his personal problems
Massoud asked arrogantly:”Does anyone claim to have a husband other than me?”
Rajavi’s passion for women and his ambition for leadership

September 8, 2009 0 comments
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Former members of the MEK

The manipulated approach to spur immolations

An interview with Batool Soltani on MKO self-immolations – Part fifteen

Sahar Family Foundation: Ms. Soltani, you averred that the reaction of the members of theThe manipulated approach to spur immolations Leadership Council to Maryam’s arrest was a histrionic rather than genuine; a mixture of pretense, sincerity, and the agitated atmosphere that made quite an impression on the audience. Then, it becomes clear that in spite of the created flutter following the news of Maryam’s arrest, the shown sentiments lacked the needed depth and most were imitating and role playing feelings. In such an abrupt outpour of emotions, it won’t be surprising to see a senior member, excited and impressed by the atmosphere, set himself on fire. Imagine what would have been the effect on the lower ranks.

Now my question is, what process had it to follow to convince and instigate others to practically engage in self-immolations, peoples like Neda, Marzieh and many others. Of course, even Rajavi himself knew well that there was no rationale for such practices and maybe laughed at the simplicity of the suicide. The question is what were the factors that forced these emotionally grounded outbursts into action and what role did the organization play as the motivator? And how these ostensibly arbitrary actions could be tallied with their concretely orchestrated nature as a show of strong commitment?

Batool Soltani: It is a little hard to analyze the case. I mean, we cannot precisely decide about the motives and their classification. In one point, it is a matter of strong commitment among the high ranking members, that is, their step by step education to reach a point where you may call it transmutation, I call it commitment, but in organizational teachings they call it ‘unification point’ or identification of within and without. We have already talked about the sophisticated psychological techniques cults manipulate for coercive persuasion or thought reform of the insiders. There are so many cults that have professionalized their approaches and techniques of persuasion as you can well trace in Al-Qaeda. But I think it is much more complicated when we talk about the organization since it utilizes a combination of techniques just in the same way that its ideology is eclectic.

However, the organizational preparedness of volunteers cannot be disregarded. They are people who can be said to have reached a point of selflessness. They have been trained to do whatever they have been imbued with. Some of them may have reached top echelons through a cunning role playing but the majority has succeeded to convince seniors about their truthfulness of actions and intentions. Some are really nasty with repulsive behavior; they may even pass over their most beloved to prove their loyalty and commitment. These are the main actors of the case we are talking about and, consequently, the lower ranks are mostly impressed by the ideas they impregnate them with. Let’s return to concrete aspects of your question.

I assure you that if what happened in France was to happen inside Camp Ashraf. Mozhgan (Parsai) would be the first to take a gallon of gasoline to run towards Americans. Have no doubts that even me, who was skeptical of the whole issue, would follow her with another gal. Logically enough, other chief rankings would catch her to avert her act of immolation. But the story would not end here because her move had already agitated some in hot pursuit whom nobody came to stop and you could soon see human torches running around. It is a general formula within the organization and it makes no difference where the scenario is to be put into practice, in Ashraf, Auvers, or any other part of the world.

I have no doubt that in Paris’s immolations seven or eight seniors like Mozhgan had rushed to set themselves on fire. These are professional starters whose main role, as I explained, is to provoke others to follow. The members who set themselves on fire, like Marzieh Babakhani, Sediqeh Mojaveri and Muhammad Sani, were ranking members who had followed the professional starters who in turn had been stopped mid-way while the others went on to finish the job. None of these people, including those I named, immolated on arbitrary decisions and I am sure they had been fully briefed on the operations they had been chosen to carry out in the headquarters of Paris and London; they dad been fully crosschecked in a process of mood-altering program and relevant ideological commitment to leadership to avert any antagonistic attitude that might cause them to shrink from fulfilling the mission. To tell the truth, I closely knew Marzieh Babakhani; she was, I beg your pardon for using such terms, a real charlatan and quarrelsome who indeed played a key role to provoke others and charge the atmosphere with sentiments that could easily be a trigger for action.

Indeed, she played the very same role as Mozhgan, or Beheshteh Shadroo and other similar rankings under Rajavi’s direct command could have in the Camp Ashraf. I have no doubt that one or two of these seniors rushed into the street towards the Police with gallons of gasoline in hand; naturally sub-rankings like Neda (Hassani) and others dashed after them. On the way, the forerunner ranking, suppose she was Beheshteh Shadroo, received a message ordering her to return since she had no right to set herself on fire. It is a general process within the organization with numerous examples to spotlight. The scenario might be planned to be played either for immolations or other disciplinary cases.

For instance, one had to be rebuked and scolded before other members in a general meeting. While he was speaking, one like Abbas Davary, who had already been assigned for the purpose, started to assail him and yell at him. A few other members automatically stood to join Davary as assailants. Here, Davari’s mission was over and he would sit down to let others continue.

Most of the time, those who got involved in the assail had no real reason for what they were doing; the only thing they knew was that they had to enthusiastically continue along with the others in the raised fuss. In such an agitated climate, all tried to conform and hardly anyone opted to remain passive. It is the same scenario put into practice in the pattern of self-immolations; one senior starts and sub-rankings hurry after to take their opportunity of displaying commitment. They are the real victims who may be unaware of the good reason for what they are doing.

The organization sees no reason to brief victims on what they have to be sacrificed for. Only the seniors and those who are the leading starters receive the appropriate trainings and instructions concerning safeguarding the interests of the organization and leadership. They are trained how to start and provoke others to continue with the mentality of injustice imposed on the organization and a due responsibility to stand up for restoration of justice. The members never receive similar trainings in the organization. Marzieh Babakhani and I were both in offices in London and members of the Leadership Council but with different ranking status; there was a body called the Leadership Council but with a variety of hierarchical levels and what promoted members was the degree of their devotion and commitment to the leadership.
 
Sediqeh Husseini and I were simultaneously announced as the members of the Leadership Council but soon she was promoted to first secretary while I had made no advance to upper organizational ranking as I failed to follow her in growing the sense of commitment. They know on whom they invest for the critical situation as she did set herself on fire when the time came.

This is through such approaches that the organization prepares to counteract impending crisis. The death of Neda Hassani as a result of her self-immolation was the outcome of an abrupt emotional burst to rush after a catalyst who was never intended to commit the suicide. Look at Neda’s age, education and depth of her political background. She fails to be qualified and experienced enough to be included in the circle of senior rankings; she belongs to the class of the victims who was stirred into action just in the middle of an agitated climate to display her so-called commitment to the leadership.

It is in total contrast with what the organization usually advertizes for the public outside to boast about the rank and file and sub-rankings as the main body whose decision runs the main policy of the organization and affects the leadership’s decision makings. As Rajavi rudely put the responsibility of his egocentrically initiated armed phase on the members and claimed that it was the members who convinced the leader to adopt an inevitable decision.
 
Or when they referred to Ahmad Rezai’s suicide operation whenever talking for the rank and file, they intended to instill into them he was a leading ranking who had committed suicide to become an archetype for lower ranks to follow. The adopted approach has undergone a qualitative change through the years but the mindset of sacrificing for the survival of the organization and safeguarding the interests of the leadership have been increasingly fortified.

To be continued

September 8, 2009 0 comments
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Mujahedin Khalq Organization members' families

Ms. Nuri Letter to her daughter, Ashraf resident

Dear Tayebeh after the events occurred recently in Ashraf garrison I hope you would be Ok. We are very worried about you. During all these years of being far from each other I have always been waiting for a call from you. Unfortunately it has become a dream for me.

Why have you become so indifferent .I am your mother. Isn’t funny that the organization which claims to have influence around the world fears even of a telephone call between members and their families?

It is expectable from such organization which doesn’t care about its own members not to care about me as an elderly mother who is now for 10 years waiting to visit her daughter.

Isn’t that oppression? Don’t you see that the organization is wasting your life for their own ambitions? Why don’t Maryam and Masud Rajavi come to Iraq to confront the bullets?

Why has Maryam Rajavi gathered high ranking members in Ouver-Sur-d’Oise and doesn’t send them to Ashraf to confront Iraqi forces?

Why should always the rank and file members be victimized for the leaders? For what reason and based on which logic?

Your daughter just wants you. She asks me about you and his father every time she sees me. She asks me about the time you may return to visit her. And I have no answer for none of her questions.

I should ask the notorious and infernal Mujahedin Organization why they have imprisoned our beloved ones.

Dear Tayebeh I hope you return to your homeland as soon as possible and begin a happy new life with your daughter and family.

September 7, 2009 0 comments
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Iraq

Nejat Society Letter to Iraqi Ambassador

Nejat Society Markazi Branch Letter to Iraqi Ambassador,
Nejat Society Letter to Iraqi Ambassador
The honorable Iraqi Ambassador in Tehran

Mr. Muhammad Majid Alshaikh,
We appreciate the act of your respectful government to open the bars of Camp Ashraf; the gift of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to Mujahedin Khalq .

The camp had long been a base for suppressing Iraqi people and an isolated prison for capturing our children. The move of Iraqi government raises hope in hearts of families of Ashraf residents.

Dear Mr. Ambassador,
We are a number of grieved families of Markazi Province. Our beloved children have long been brainwashed under Rajavi direct order and have been imprisoned in Camp Ashraf.

During the years of their imprisonment in Ashraf, the cruel Mujahedin Organization has never permitted us to visit or even telephone our children. We ask for your prompt cooperation to provide us with the possibility to visit our beloved ones as soon as possible, paving the way for their release from Rajavi’s cult.

Thank you for your sense of humanity,

Signatories:
Habibi
Nouri
Abbasi
Vanak
Saleh
Mamluki
Golrizan
Najafi
Qale’iee
Shamallahi
Dowlat Shahi

September 6, 2009 0 comments
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Former members of the MEK

MEK dissident broaches US ties with Rajavi cult

Sobhani was separated from his daughter and wife for more than eight years.

A former member of the terrorist Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO) claims the US turned a blind eye to the terrorist nature of the ‘Rajavi cult’. A former member of the terrorist Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO) claims the US turned a blind eye to the terrorist nature of the'Rajavi cult'.

Mohammad-Hossein Sobhani, 49, from the central Iranian town of Saveh, came into contact with the MKO two years before the 1979 revolution in Iran, which overthrew the pro-US Iranian monarch, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

Five year later, after working in the organization’s administrative and student departments, he was whisked away to Iraq to assume his role”as a unit commander at the training school for urban guerrilla warfare.”

After questioning the organization’s”armed struggle and presence in Iraq”, Sobhani claims he was beaten, tortured and”held in solitary confinement for eight-and-a-half years, from September 1992 to January 2001.”

“The reason why I started to raise my objection was that I believed that the strategies employed by Masoud Rajavi were meant to secure his domination on its members,”Sobhani said in an exclusive interview with Press TV.

The former senior MKO official said Rajavi resorted to”cult-like”practices, including forced divorce and celibacy.

He would separate couples claiming that”such practices would liberate the members”from competing loyalties. Their children were also sent to European countries, Sobhani said.

“Rajavi would justify forced divorces by claiming that these practices would free a member, and pave the way to transform a micro society into a macro one and overthrow the Islamic Republic,”Sobhani said.

During his interview, he also claimed that because”the organization forbids matrimony, for the past 25 years no child has been born to a man and woman inside the organization.”
He said the US had committed a colossal mistake in not dealing with the residents of the MKO training camp in eastern Iraq, known as Camp Ashraf.

The camp, home to 3,400 Iranians loyal to Rajavi, was the base for operations against the Tehran government during the eight-year war as well as operations against Iraqi Kurds and Shias during the 1991 uprising against former dictator Saddam Hussein.

“Rajavi maintained a mercenary-like relationship with Saddam Hossein, after Iraq’s invasion he wanted to forge the same relationship with the Americans so he announced that he was ready to [willingly] lay dawn his arms,”Sobhani explained.

“Although the Americans were fully aware of the fact that the MKO was a terrorist organization, they still cooperated with Rajavi,”he claimed.

Americans in Iran were one of the primary targets of the group throughout the 1970s. They assassinated a number of American citizens, namely William C. Cottrell, Colonel Lewis L. Hawkins, Donald G. Smith, and Colonel Jack Turner inside Iran.

“As a former member of the group, I feel that the Americans have made a grave mistake with regards to the organization. Six years after overthrowing Saddam, the MKO is still brainwashing the residents of Ashraf Camp with the help of the Americans,”Sobhani said.

The MKO was founded in Iran in the 1960s, but its top leadership and members fled the country some twenty years later after carrying out numerous acts of terror inside the country.

The group masterminded a series of assassinations and bombings inside Iran, including the 1981 bombing of the offices of the Islamic Republic Party, in which more than 72 senior Iranian officials were killed, including the then Judiciary Chief Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti.

Download MKO dissident broaches US ties with Rajavi cult

September 5, 2009 0 comments
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MEK Camp Ashraf

As US Eases Out, Iraq Takes Control of Terrorist Camp

We cannot accept the presence of such organisation inside Iraq

The women formed a human chain while the men chanted, confronting Iraqi troops moving into their compound. Gunfire rang out, and the soldiers waded in with batons, wooden bats and automatic weapons.

As US Eases Out, Iraq Takes Control of Terrorist Camp

By the end, officials said, 11 Iranian exiles were dead _ shot, beaten or run over by military vehicles.

Throughout the confrontation, American soldiers who once protected the Iranian opposition group stood by. According to U.S officials, they had no legal authority to intervene. One video taken by the exiles even shows soldiers get into a white SUV and roll up their windows as the bloodied men plead for help.

The deadly melee at Camp Ashraf, the base of the People’s Mujahedeen Organization of Iran, provides a glaring example of what can go wrong as the U.S. military scales back and the Shiite-led Iraqi government flexes its muscles.

The U.S. military guarded the camp since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 under an agreement that made its 3,400 residents "protected persons" under the Geneva Conventions. The military stopped observing the agreement after a new security accord with the Baghdad government took effect in January, U.S. Embassy spokesman Philip Frayne said.
 
Responsibility for the camp then passed to the Iraqi government, which promised not to use force against the group. A small contingent of U.S. military police still monitors the camp, but the military said they were under orders not to intervene in the July 28 confrontation.

"We could not become decisively engaged with a situation that really is up to the sovereign Iraqi government to settle in a peaceful manner as they have assured us that they would do," a senior U.S. military official said Wednesday, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue.

"Even in a situation that allowed engagement, we didn’t have nearly the amount of forces present to jump in the middle of this fray," he said.

Iraqi officials said they were trying to establish a police station at the camp. And there are numerous other issues on which the Iraqi government could go its own way _ like the fate of anti-al-Qaida Sunni militias, which are strongly supported by the U.S. but now seem to get less backing from Iraq’s Shiite leaders, or the multiple disputes between Baghdad and the Kurdish north, which the U.S. has sought to mollify lest they explode into violence.

"These kinds of things are only going to happen more often and in other places, and the U.S. has to decide what are we going to do about it," said Army Reserve Col. Gary Morsch, who was stationed at Camp Ashraf and maintains close ties with the exiles there.

The bloodshed brought rare criticism by Washington of the U.S.-trained Iraqi security forces. But U.S. officials tried to balance it with the larger policy goal of handing over greater responsibility to the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki while U.S. forces reduce their presence.

"Iraq was trying to extend its sovereignty to Camp Ashraf. We understood what they were trying to do. They did not do it well," State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley told reporters in Washington two weeks after the raid.

Camp Ashraf and the presence of the Iranian exile group have long been a source of friction between Washington and Baghdad. For years, Iraq’s Shiite-led government has wanted to remove the group, because of its past ties to Saddam. Iran, a close Shiite ally of Baghdad, has also been pressing for the expulsion of the group, which seeks the overthrow of Tehran’s clerical rulers.

The Iraqi treatment of the exiles could also be an indicator that Iran’s influence in Baghdad is growing as Washington’s wanes, though Iraqi officials staunchly deny the raid was at Tehran’s behest.

"If you want to know how independent the government of Iraq is from the Islamic Republic of Iran, watch what happens to the people of Ashraf," said Raymond Tanter, president of the Wshington-based Iran Policy Group and a member of the National Security Council in the Reagan administration.

Baghdad "wanted to establish its independence from the United States and possibly was motivated to show that independence by cracking down on Ashraf," he said, pointing out the raid coincided with a Baghdad visit by U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates.

The People’s Mujahedeen is deeply controversial. Critics call it a cult with an ideology mixing Marxism, secularism, an obsession with martyrdom and near adoration of its leaders. The U.S. considers it a terrorist organization, albeit one that has provided the Americans with intelligence on Iran. The European Union removed it from its terror list this year.

The group _ also known by its Farsi name the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq _ is the militant wing of the Paris-based National Council of Resistance of Iran. It carried out a series of bloody bombings and assassinations in Iran in the 1980s, though it says it renounced violence in 2001.

The MEK fought alongside Saddam’s forces during the 1980s Iran-Iraq war, and Saddam set up a number of bases for them _ including Camp Ashraf, their last remaining foothold in Iraq, located in a barren desert stretch north of Baghdad, 50 miles from the Iranian border.

After Saddam fell, U.S. troops took control of Camp Ashraf and disarmed its fighters, confining them to the 30-square-mile compound. In return, the military signed the agreement with the camp’s residents giving them protected status.

The exiles transformed Camp Ashraf into an oasis of well-kept gardens, water fountains and palm trees along marked-out streets, where the residents _ including 900 women _ live in barracks-like housing segregated by sex. Morsch, 58, of Bucyrus, Kan., recalls how American soldiers guarding the camp got to know the residents well, sharing meals and inviting each other to celebrations.

The government has barred media visits to the camp since the raid.
The Iraqi government says it was exerting its right to establish a police station in Camp Ashraf and blames the violence on the resistance by Iranian exiles. Government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told the AP on Monday that the forces entering to set up the station were met by "demonstrations with people wielding sticks, swords and knives."

The U.S. military sent a medical team into the camp two days after the raid and 19 people were transported to an American hospital with serious injuries. Iraqi forces also detained 36 men accused of violently resisting the raid, prompting a hunger strike by some camp residents demanding their release.
The fate of Camp Ashraf’s residents remains up in the air.

The Iraqi government has forwarded several proposals, including sending them to third countries other than Iran, where they would face possible execution. "The world has to help us find a place for them," al-Dabbagh said, reiterating the promise to treat them humanely and not to forcibly expel them. "We cannot accept the presence of such an organization inside Iraq."

The People’s Mujahedeen insists that the protected status agreement has not expired because of a clause saying it is valid until the situation is resolved. The group has called on the Americans to reassert control over the camp until another arrangement could be made, such as the deployment of U.N. peacekeepers.

September 5, 2009 0 comments
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