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Pompeo
The cult of Rajavi

Pompeo must understand that MEK has built a modern slavery in Abania

In a meeting with Maryam Rajavi, leader of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), on Friday, October 6th , Mike Pompeo, former US Secretary of State said that Ashraf 3 is home to thousands of MEK members who have built “a modern community” in the Balkan state in the past few years. Referring to a destructive cult as a modern community indicates the extent of deviation of the MEK’s paid supporters.

Maryam Rajavi’s muti-million lobby campaigns have been acting successfully to buy the support of US warmongers. In his flattering speech on behalf of the MEK, Pompeo also described the MEK as “those who seek freedom and democracy in Iran”. It seems that the Rajavi’s dollars for Pompeo’s speaking fee and for his first-class flight and visit to Paris have been hefty enough to close his eyes to the bizarre world he saw at Ashraf 3 last year.

On May 16, 2022, Mike Pompeo and his wife, visited Ashraf 3, the headquarters of the MEK in Manez, Albania. The military-like, uniform worn, gender segregated members — female members with forced hijab– could not ring the bells for the US former official to beware that the MEK is not a normal community, let alone “a modern community”.

The MEK is a “modern slavery” in which the rule of Massoud Rajavi’s cult of personality dominates. Members of Ashraf 3 are treated as slaves who are deprived from their most basic rights in the heart of modern democratic Europe.

Modern slavery often occurs in isolated locations where victims enjoy the least level of communication with the outside world. This is what Pompeo witness at Ashraf 3 but chose to ignore.
MEK members have been taken as hostages since they were recruited or deceived to or kidnapped to join the group. They have not been allowed to contact their family and friends from the very day they entered the Cult of Rajavi.

They are kept in the barred, guarded area near a remote village in north of Tirana, highly restricted to communicate with locals. They do not own identity papers. They lack language skills. They can hardly ever leave the group. They are literally modern slaves who have to fight for their own freedom, not freedom of Iran.

By Mazda Parsi

October 9, 2023 0 comments
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MEK women
Mujahedin Khalq as an Opposition Group

The double face of the MEK: between moderate opposition party and terrorist organization

Despite presenting itself as a moderate opposition force in the eyes of Western public opinion, the MEK continues to perpetrate terrorist actions in Iran for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic, as demonstrated by their own official website, in which the attacks are described as heroic acts.

In our previous article, we summarized the history of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq , a political organization whose declared aim is the overthrow of the Islamic Republic of Iran , known by the acronym of MEK or PMOI (from the English People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran ). As we underlined on that occasion, in 1997 the United States included the MEK in the list of terrorist organizations , due to their modus operandi which effectively followed exactly that of a terrorist organization that uses attacks to achieve its goals.

In 2012, however, the United States decided to start using the organization for its own purposes of destabilizing the Islamic Republic and, taking advantage of the military occupation of Iraq, a country in which many MEK militants were located, made tacit agreements with them. Just in September 2012, Washington officially removed the name of the MEK from the list of terrorist organizations , with the organization’s own leadership officially acknowledging its past mistakes, declaring that it would thereafter act solely as a political force of opposition to the Republic Islamic, renouncing the path of attacks.

This cosmetic operation had highly positive implications both for the United States and for the MEK itself. The Washington government, in fact, was able to support Mojahedin-e-Khalq openly with an anti-Iranian function, without having to worry too much about public opinion; indeed, there are quite a few exponents of the most recent administrations who have expressed their support in favor of the MEK on public occasions. For its part, the organization has cleaned up its image internationally , presenting itself as a legitimate moderate opposition force to the Iranian theocracy.

The MEK has attempted in every way to attract the support of Western progressive political groups, who do not look favorably on a regime like that of the Islamic Republic, by leveraging media propaganda that exploits the pretext of human rights and the condition of women to foment anti-Iranian sentiment in public opinion. For this reason, the official political program of the MEK presents points such as the establishment of a democratic republic, religious freedom, gender equality in every sphere of society, the legalization of alcoholic beverages, freedom of speech, association and expression, the right to choose whether or not to wear the veil, all arguments that can find general agreement among Western public opinion. Furthermore, the MEK also proposes a close alliance of Iran with Western countries and the recognition of the State of Israel , which according to numerous sources would support the organization militarily.

This cosmetic operation to clean up its image, however, conceals a much darker reality, which sees the MEK continue to carry out terrorist operations in Iran , causing serious damage and casualties, both military and civilian, in order to achieve its political goals. This dark face of the MEK is clearly kept quiet in front of the Western public, to the point that the organization’s official website ( news.mojahedin.org ) does not report news about terrorist attacks, except in its own Fārsī language version . While in the foreign language versions the MEK presents itself as an opposition political party with a moderate outlook, in Persian all this turns into extremist frenzy .

In the Fārsī language version , the term ” insurrection centers ” (کانون‌های شورشی) frequently appears , which are none other than the terrorist cells that operate in Iran carrying out attacks in public places. These episodes, which continually affect the Iranian military and civilian population, are described as acts of heroism by MEK militants, but are then kept quiet in front of the Western public, which certainly could not accept their governments’ support for a terrorist group which boasts of its bomb attacks.

For example, in July this year the MEK carried out 23 terrorist operations to celebrate the 35th anniversary of what the organization calls Operation Forough Javidan (or “Eternal Light”), an attempted invasion of Iranian Kurdistan in course of the war events between Iran and Iraq. On that occasion, the MEK was defeated, suffering numerous losses, which in the language of the organization are called martyrs. As part of this wave of terrorist attacks, the MEK boasts, for example, of having blown up the barracks of the Revolutionary Guards in Ravansar, the headquarters of the national news agency IRNA in Qazvin and numerous other public buildings across the country, as well as setting fire to images of Iranian revolutionary leaders.

Analyzing the MEK website in Persian, there are numerous episodes of this type that can be found in the year 2023 alone (year 1402 of the Persian calendar). Terrorist episodes are often organized on the occasion of anniversaries considered important in the history of the MEK, such as the aforementioned Operation Forough Javidan, or the establishment of the National Council of Iranian Resistance , an organization and political coalition founded on 20 July 1981 and closely linked to the MEK. In fact, even on the occasion of this anniversary, terrorist attacks against the garrisons of the Revolutionary Guards and other episodes of violence occurred throughout the country.

Browsing the MEK’s official website, you can also see how these terrorist attacks are not isolated episodes, as there are several every month , and they affect every area of the country. The main targets of these operations are the headquarters of the Revolutionary Guards and other armed forces or the judiciary, and are described in pompous tones in an attempt to glorify the actions of the terrorists, decorated with the title of “heroes”, all accompanied by celebratory videos disseminated through the organization’s Telegram channel . An image therefore very different from the one that is sold to Western public opinion, and of which we want to spread awareness through this article, so that Don’t fall into the trap of supporting a terrorist organization like the MEK again.

By Giulio Chinappi – giuliochinappi.wordpress.com

October 8, 2023 0 comments
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MEK’s compound after the police raid.
Albania

MKO dithering after Albania pressures terrorists to leave

Albania has forced the terrorist Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO) to leave its camp in the country. Now the terrorists are apparently left undecided on a new destination.

The MKO ringleaders have reportedly made arrangements for the relocation of members from their camp in Albania to an undisclosed location in Canada with resident permits of the country or temporary passports in the first step.

An informed security source told Tasnim news agency on Saturday that following mounting pressure from the Tirana government, the MKO ringleaders decided to relocate some of the terrorists to Germany and some to Canada.

Camp Ashraf 3

This file picture shows a view of the entrance to the Ashraf-3 camp, which houses members of the anti-Iran terrorist cult Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization, in the town of Manëz, near Tirana, Albania. (Photo via Twitter)

The MKO’s plan for the evacuation of the Ashraf-3 camp in the northwestern region of Tirana and relocation of the terrorists to a new country has sparked disputes among its members.

The MKO leaders last month come up with the relocation plan after Albanian police authorities and the country’s Special Court on Corruption and Organized Crime introduced a series of strict restrictions on residents of the Ashraf-3 camp, following the discovery of incriminating evidence.

The MKO ringleaders have failed to convince French officials to agree with the relocation of a number of the terrorists to a camp in Auvers-sur-Oise commune on the northwestern outskirts of Paris.

Albania has put various restrictions on the group.

Back in June, Albanian police raided the Ashraf-3 camp on the grounds that the MKO was involved in “terror and cyber attacks” against foreign institutions.

Authorities seized 150 computer devices linked to terrorist activities. At least one person was killed and dozens of others were injured during the clashes at the camp.

In early July, Iran gained access to a batch of electronic devices and storage equipment confiscated during the search operation conducted by Albanian police.

Earlier in August, Albanian police reportedly took control of the Ashraf-3 camp and imposed a strict curfew over the entire area.

In the latest move by Albania to restrict the MKO’s terrorist and cyber activities and tighten the noose around the anti-Iran terrorist group, the Tirana government cut off access to internet at the Ashraf-3 camp late in August.

It was the latest move by Albania to restrict the terrorist and cyber activities the MKO devises at the Ashraf-3 camp.

Albania’s Prime Minister Edi Rama declared the MKO must leave the country if it wants to use Albanian soil to fight against Iran, adding that his country has no intention of being at war with Iran and “does not accept anyone who has abused our hospitality.”

The MKO has carried out numerous terrorist attacks against Iranian civilians and government officials since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Out of the nearly 17,000 Iranians killed in terrorist attacks over the past four decades, about 12,000 have fallen victim to MKO’s brutal acts of terror, including the killing of innocent women and children.

The European Union, Canada, the United States and Japan had previously listed the MKO as a “terrorist organization.”

In 2012, the group was taken off the US list of terrorist organizations, marking Washington’s decision to begin collaborating with the notorious terrorist group in plans to undermine the Islamic Republic of Iran. The EU followed suit, removing the group from its list of terrorist organizations.

October 7, 2023 0 comments
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Money Laundry
Mujahedin Khalq Organization as a terrorist group

Report Discloses Sponsors of MKO Terrorists

An investigative report by Iranian daily Farhikhtegan has shed light on a clandestine financial network that sponsors and funds the heinous activities of the terrorist Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO), currently based in Albania.

In a report released on Tuesday, September 19, the Iranian newspaper said it has obtained information about several companies that have provided large-scale financial aid to the MKO terrorists in the past years.

The list includes:

1. “Red Granite Pictures”, an American Film Production Company

– Owner: Reza Aziz
– Asset value: $25 million

Reza Shahriz bin Abdul Aziz, better known as Reza Aziz, was born into a political family in Malaysia. His mother married former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak and adopted Reza.

2. Glazer Investment Company

– Executive Director: Avram Glazer
– Asset value: $1,200 million

Avram Glazer is an American businessman and the son of the wealthy Glazer family. His family company owns Tampa Bay Buccaneers of the National Football League (NFL) and holds a majority ownership stake in English football club Manchester United F.C.

Glazer family has also extensive charitable and political activities in its portfolio.

3. West Coast Prime Meat Company and International Pacific Seafood

– Founder and CEO: Craig Nikoloff
– Asset value: $100 million

Nikoloff was first famous for Claim Jumper chain restaurants, and then became one of the largest meat industry producers by establishing West Coast Prime Meat.

He is also one of the main suppliers of the network close to Ali Safavi.

4. Koyu Hotel Group

– Executive director: Tokutaro Umezawa
– Asset value: $35 million

Tokutaro Umezawa is the CEO of Koyu Hotels in America. These hotels are the main supporters of Ali Safavi network.

5. The Last bookstore

– Owner: Josh Spencer
– Asset value: $1.5 million

Josh is the co-founder of The Last bookstore, one of the 10 largest bookstores in the world and the largest bookstore in California.

6. Jeen Well Company

– CEO: Zhihiao Lu
– Asset value: $150 million

Zhihiao Lu was born in a wealthy Malaysian family in China. His grandfather is the founder of MWE Holding, which has gambling, real estate and alcohol manufacturing companies under his umbrella.

The MKO members, who are currently at a camp near Tirana, spent many years in Iraq, where they were hosted and armed by the former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. They sided with Saddam during the 1980-88 imposed war against Iran and then helped him quell domestic uprisings in various parts of the Arab country.

The hated group is responsible for killing thousands of Iranian civilians and officials after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

More than 17,000 Iranians, many of them civilians, have been killed at the hands of the MKO in different acts of terrorism including bombings in public places, and targeted killings.

October 7, 2023 0 comments
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Atefeh Sebdani
The cult of Rajavi

MEK and Children – Atefeh Sebdani

Atefeh Sebdani was born in 1986 in Isfahan. Her father was a member of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), but her mother, without being a political person, was forced to obey her husband. Taking care of her three children, together with her husband she went to Camp Ashraf, Iraq. After Forough Javidan operation, Atefeh’s parents divorced each other under Masoud Rajavi’s order –in fact under the pretext of focusing more on the struggle.

In 1991, Atefeh and her two younger brothers, like other children of the MEK, were separated from their parents under the order of Masoud Rajavi. After being smuggled from Iraq, they finally arrived in Gothenburg, Sweden.

In her autobiography, Atefeh writes about the terrible tragedy of her and her brothers’ separation from their mother: “My youngest brother still was fed with breast milk and clung to the breast of every adult woman we saw on the way… When the boys fell asleep, I cried silently … I had promised to be good, and I was constantly afraid that they would separate us… I did everything for my brothers and became their mother.”

Atefeh waited until their teenage years for their mother to come and take them away, but apart from a five-minute phone conversation once a year, she got nothing else. Although, as she says, these short calls caused more psychological damage to that helpless girl.

She is now 37 years old. She is an engineer and has received many awards and recognitions as a digital strategist and business developer, but her passion for writing her autobiography has made her today a woman who has transformed her childhood tragedy in the Rajavi cult to an inspiring story of resilience.

Swedish publications, newspapers and websites present Atefeh Sebdani as a woman who as a child did not have a dream. Her life at Camp Ashraf, in Sweden and with the families who were supporters of the MEK, was full of catastrophic tragedies, and the only reason he decided to survive every day was the promise he made to her Mujahed mother: to take responsibility for his brothers.

Atefeh Sebdani

Atefeh and her two brothers

During all her childhood years, she had to defend herself and her brothers alone by enduring the mental, physical and sexual abuses that the Cult of Rajavi imposed on them. The MEK had kept her and her brothers in their orphanage and adoption system with the hope that someday they would return to Camp Ashraf, Iraq as child soldiers, either as fighting soldiers or as “martyrs” for the organization’s propaganda purposes. As Atefeh writes in her book, for a long time she thought that every death was martyrdom!

A significant part of the biography of Atefeh Sebdani focuses on the analysis of the MEK as a cult and the leadership of Maryam Rajavi. Like other children of the MEK, he was used as a tool to participate in rallies and financial-social activities of the group.

Today, Atefeh Sebdani is a fierce critic of the leadership of the MEK. In an interview with the Swedish magazine Femina, she says: “I am angry that today no one accepts responsibility for all the children who were detached from their parents. We, children were never allowed to ask questions, we were exchanged between different aunts and uncles. ”

After her childhood meeting with Maryam Rajavi at the Ouver sur d’Oise, the MEK’s headquarters in the suburb of Paris, she understood the depth of cult-like tyranny. She tells Femina about that experience: “When I saw Maryam in the midst of all that luxury and protection, I felt like the emperor’s new clothes. Why, while my mother stayed in Iraq, became a soldier, lacked food and had to make the worst sacrifice a mother can do, Maryam was so elegant, and she was so honored?”

Today Atefeh lives with the love of her life Max, they have three children.

October 4, 2023 0 comments
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Ebrahim Khodabandeh
Albania

CEO of Nejat Society express gratitude to the authorities of the Albanian government

Ebrahim Khodabandeh, CEO of Nejat Society, expressed his appreciation and gratitude to the Albanian government officials in various separate letters addressed to a number of Albanian government authorities, which were delivered to each office in writing.

In these letters, the CEO of Nejat Society wrote:
“Through the former members of the MEK in the Nejat Society of Albania, I found out that in many cases they have been supported by the authorities and received efficient and effective guidance. They have been satisfied and acknowledged that their rights have been fully respected and the right path has always been shown to them. They have always felt secure and supported in their meetings and have gained moral strength.”

It is also stated in these letters that:
“Recently, the members of the Nejat Society of Albania had problems and, in this regard, they asked for help. Then the authorities of the Albanian government intervened and solved their problems, and acted upon the request of the members of the Nejat Society of Albania. According to the reports received from the members of our Society in Albania, they have been helped every time they have approached the authorities of the Albanian government and asked for help.”

In these letters, it is also mentioned that the police officials helped Mr. Bijar Rahimi and Ali Asghar Zamani when they escaped from the MEK camp and introduced themselves to the police station, and the police officials gave them a sense of security and peace, and the effects of the lies of the leaders of the MEK have been neutralized in their minds. When they went to the police station, contrary to their expectations, they found that they were welcomed and they were assured that there would be no threats against them.

Khodabandeh also wrote about the activities of former members in Albania:
“Former members of the MEK in Albania intend to give wider and more serious dimensions to their human rights activities in relation to reaching the demands of the families in close contact with the Nejat Society, and their confidence in the support of the Albanian government authorities has encouraged them.”

Ebrahim Khodabandeh has mentioned in a part of his detailed letters that:
“Regarding the MEK, it should be mentioned that during the past 7 years, I had explained the cultic and anti-human nature of this organization in numerous letters to the Albanian government officials. The MEK has always become a national security problem for the host country. The MEK acts against the highest national interests of the Iranian people, but it has been proven over the years that these actions have always been against the national interests of the host country too.”

At the end of his letters, the CEO of Nejat Society mentioned that:
“The Nejat Society is deeply grateful to the authorities of the Albanian government for these helps and guidance. I hope one day I will be able to express the gratitude of the families and former members to you and your colleagues. I would also like to come to your country and share my decades of experience with the MEK to you, the government and the people of Albania.”

October 2, 2023 0 comments
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Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi to visit Nejat Society office in Tirana
Former members of the MEK

Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi to visit Nejat Society office in Tirana

Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi, a psychiatrist and deputy of Lija penitentiary, attended the villa of Nejat Society in Tirana and met with members of this office. In this meeting, he conveyed the congratulatory message of the Head of the Penitentiary to members of Nejat Society Albania and thanked for the bilateral cooperation in line with the common goals of knowing as much as possible about the destructive cult-like mind control that has plagued many young people in today’s era.

In this meeting, while welcoming Mr. Ebrahimi and his companions, Sarfaraz Rahimi talked about the special goals of Nejat Society in reaching the voices of families who are unable to communicate with their loved ones, and also about rescuing members of Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) from mental captivity. He praised Dr. Ebrahimi for his efforts to deradicalize prisoners in order to return to society.

Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi to visit Nejat Society office in Tirana

Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi to visit Nejat Society office in Tirana

In this meeting, Ali Zamani, who has recently escaped from the MEK, talked about mental and emotional pressures that were systematically imposed on him and other members of the group and the methods of mind control and brainwashing that are applied within the Cult of Rajavi.

Then Khalil Ansarian explained about the psychological pressure systems that are applied to mEK members on a daily basis in a jargon called “current operation”. He also gave a detailed explanation about the limitations of relationships and gender discrimination and the purpose of these programs, which greatly impressed Dr. Ebrahimi.

Erisa Rahimi, the Albanian member of Nejat Society Albania, delivered the CEO of Nejat Society with complete explanations about the two decades of activities of the society inside Iran and outside Iran, as well as the message of the representative of mothers of MEK hostages, Mrs. Soraya Abdullahi. Dr. Ebrahimi thanked Nejat and its officials.
Hamid Atabai appreciated Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi for his practical support for Nejat Society and emphasized that Dr. Ebrahimi has used all his capacities in the Albanian society to help defectors of the MEK.

Aldo Solulari, media manager of Nejat Society Albania, also explained the current political situation of the MEK in Albania and Maryam Rajavi’s escape from this country.
Mrs. Ela Dada, the manager of legal affairs of Nejat Society Albania, also spoke about the criminal action of the MEK leaders for preventing members from contacting their families.
Nejat Society Albania and Dr. Alfred Ebrahimi hoped to continue further cooperations.

October 2, 2023 0 comments
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Atefeh in her mother's arms
Former members of the MEK

What is it like being child of an MEK member?

At the age of five, Atefeh Sebdani from Iran was put on a bus with her little brothers. They ended up in Gothenburg and grew up in a Mujahedin affiliated family. Her autobiography is unimaginably dark – but also very readable, GP’s Nina Morby thinks.

“All my childhood I thought that the word death was equated with the word martyr in Persian”, writes Atefeh Sebdani in his autobiography “Min hand i min”, which stands out in the large range of I-literature that dominates contemporary Swedish prose. The reader soon becomes aware of what the book is not: namely, another auto-fictional depiction of middle-class boredom and existential misery.

Sebdani’s story begins in Iran, a few years after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The mullahs have overthrown the monarchy and installed an authoritarian, Islamist republic with little tolerance for dissent. Her parents are affiliated with the People’s Mujahedin, the Marxist-Islamist opposition group that desires a secularized and democratic Iran. The father is convinced that fighting for the Mujahedin is the only right thing, the mother is politically uninterested but has no other choice.

Atefeh Sebdani

Atefeh Sebdani

Believing it is the best for Atefeh, the mother puts her and the younger brothers on a bus with an unknown destination. After many agonizing days and nights, they finally end up in Gothenburg, with another Mujahedin-affiliated family who is running the fight from Sweden. Atefeh is asked to call the adults mom and dad, and the other children siblings. At the age of five, she herself has already assumed the role of parent to her little brothers.

It is clear from the beginning that Sebdani’s autobiography hides a darkness, but exactly how dark it is cannot be imagined at first. The years that come after arriving in Sweden are a struggle to fit in and to stay above the surface. Atefeh’s foster mother forces her to do household chores while disapproving of her entire existence. During the dinners, she asks the family to openly air what bothers them with Atefeh, who is puzzled by how it all fits with the Mujahedin’s feminist ideology.

Ultimately, “Min hand i din” is a story about the author’s own upbringing, but through it also emerges the image of Gothenburg in the 1980s, as it could appear from the eyes of an immigrant girl.
Even worse, however, is the foster father’s constant abuse, his sexual harassment, the relationship she is then forced into with her foster brother. She feels like “A body that only existed. A body that obeyed the other body in the room. A body that was a maid. A nuisance. A body to have sex with”. Dejected, she takes out a razor blade in the shower, ready to end her life. Then she remembers the promise she made to her mother: to take care of her younger brothers.

Despite all the darkness, the book is pleasant to be in, thanks to the author’s flexible language. Atefeh Sebdani, who by day works as an engineer and lecturer, writes matter-of-factly and with a clear forward movement where every sentence is carefully formulated.

Here and there the story is interspersed with italicized, shorter and more poetically written texts that resemble diary extracts. There, Sebdani writes about the longing for the mother, about the memories from the first years in Iran and Iraq. As a reader, you become greedy for these small excerpts, which offer another layer closer to the author’s innermost core. They could have been more.

But it’s a parenthesis. Overall, “Min hand i min” is a very readable autobiography that provides insight into what it is like to escape from one country and grow up in another, and what it means to be a woman in an environment where male desire rules.

Reading it is like being welcomed into a girl’s room, getting to share the author’s many secrets, and being lulled into the belief that most things will, in the end, be good.

By Nina Morby – Goteborg Posten – Translated by Nejat Society

October 1, 2023 0 comments
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Atefeh Sebdani
The cult of Rajavi

Atefeh Sebdani on the escape, the cult-like movement and the new book

Atefeh Sebdani was only five years old when she boarded a bus in Iraq that was to take her to Jordan.
She had her two little brothers with her.
Their mother was left behind.
- The little child Atefeh died there and then and at the same moment I became an adult.

As the bus began to roll, the terror within Atefeh grew. She saw her mother, who had just urged her to be good, to take care of her little brothers and promised to see them again soon, standing outside.

Atefeh Sebdani

Atefeh and her two brothers

- Mother was my breath, identity and great security who did everything for us children, but then and there my anchor and all my security disappeared. With my mother, I left parts of myself that became difficult to find again.
Atefeh wanted to scream, but sat quietly so as not to worry her little brothers.
The bus was to take them from the Iraqi military camp they lived in to Jordan. When they got a piece of bread on board, Atefeh divided it in two and gave each piece to her brothers even though she herself was hungry.

- My youngest brother was still breastfeeding and tried to breastfeed all the grown women we met on the road, says Atefeh when we meet in connection with the release of her biography Min hand i min.
Before the farewell at the bus, the family had been on the run from Iran for two years. They slept in the open and sometimes sat on the streets begging. Potatoes became their only food.

– Boiled potatoes with salt, potato wedges, mashed potatoes and fried potatoes. Potatoes, potatoes, potatoes. It was more or less the only thing we ate, we couldn’t afford anything else.
The family managed to get to a military camp in Iraq where people had fled a regime that was hunting them for their involvement in the People’s Mujahedin resistance movement. Atefeh’s parents joined the growing group of young Mujahideen followers and were promised a home, security, education and a vision of a united, free and democratic Iran. But they were also introduced to weapons and plans for coups.

In order to focus on their task, a divorce was required of all spouses. They would be loyal to their supreme leaders, Maryam and Massoud Rajavi, but they would also be forced to leave their children behind.
Life in the camp became everyday life where the children went to school, bathed, sang in the choir and took part in various activities.

- It was like a paradise in the middle of the desert. But in 1990, the political situation became increasingly uneasy, says Atefeh.
Bombs fell and Atefeh remembers the adults covering the ears of the smallest children after they threw them into the shelters. Once back up, they were met with enormous devastation. At the same time, as long as she had her mother, she felt safe.
- It was no longer safe to stay in the camp and that’s when the fateful decision was made to send us children to Europe, says Atefeh and tells us that she is one of 800-1,000 children who were separated from their parents during this the period.

So the children were used as tools in the movement

The bus journey continued further away from mother. Strange adults, whom the children would call aunts or uncles, whisked them across national borders.
- I did everything for my brothers and became their mother. I cried silently to myself when the boys had fallen asleep. I had promised to be good and was constantly carrying a fear that they would separate us, says Atefeh.

In 1991, the siblings came to Sweden. Here they were met by “Aunt Marzieh and Uncle Ahmed”.
Atefeh and her brothers were forced to call them mom and dad. They were supporters of the same movement as Atefeh’s parents and told the authorities in Sweden that they were relatives, which was the only way they would be allowed to stay.
- From that day we officially became refugees in Sweden, says Atefeh.
From the very beginning in the new family, where there were two other foster children as well as a biological one, Atefeh was taught not to ask for her mother.
- We were not allowed to ask, feel or think anything. The days turned into weeks which in turn turned into months and I heard nothing from my mother. We children were used very strategically in their politics and one of their strategies was to keep saying that we would be reunited with our parents. That way they could keep us within the movement and use us as tools.
At regular intervals, Atefeh had to take part in various demonstrations. She was told that they were part of the fight for a free Iran and that the sooner the country became free, the sooner she would see her late mother again.
- All free time and even during lessons we skipped, we focused on politics in the form of demonstrations, manifestations, meetings with decision-makers and the like, says Atefeh, who describes in his book how it could look:
“‘Death to the terrorist regime in Iran! Death to the terrorist regime in Iran!’
With their fists in the air, the members screamed so loudly and often that by the end of the day we had no voices left. We children imitated the adults and pumped our fists just as intensely and shouted even louder with our bright voices. The adults loved watching us do what they did. They smiled and patted us on the head. We would probably make good freedom fighters as well.”

The time went by. Once a year, mother called, but there were no happy moments because they were eavesdropped and the calls also disturbed Atefeh’s survival mechanisms.
- When you live in the reality I did, I needed to find ways to cope with my everyday life. There was only room for missing my mother in my bed at night. The days were just about fighting through. I had been thrown into a sea of sharks and was constantly trying to find ways to cope. So when those calls came, it was like tearing down all the protective mechanisms I had built up, says Atefeh.

She gets upset when she thinks about everything that went under the radar.
- I’m pissed off that nobody today takes responsibility for all the children who were torn from their parents. We children were never allowed to question, we were shuffled between different aunts and uncles.
She further believes that no one has taken responsibility, instead they have chosen to back the organization and keep the Mujahedin behind their backs. Atefeh has been told that she lied about everything or that they didn’t know what happened, even though all the signs were clearly there.
- It’s completely bizarre. Hundreds of adults who agreed to so many children being separated from their parents. No one has questioned except those who are no longer followers.
The headquarters of the Mujahedin was in Auvers in Paris. Atefeh says that it was their Mecca, a dream destination that everyone strove to get to, not least to meet the president of the movement, Maryam Rajavi.
– Being allowed to visit our headquarters was something that only selected people were allowed to do. Including me, says Atefeh and tells about the occasion that made her feel disgust rather than fascination.
- When I saw Maryam in all the luxury and care, I was struck by the feeling of the Emperor’s new clothes. Why would she be doing so well and be so celebrated while my mother remained in Iraq, became a soldier, was short of food and had to make the worst sacrifice a mother can make?

The followers set themselves on fire in protest

Atefeh began to question the whole system and found everything uncomfortable.
- It was in connection with the supporters starting to set themselves on fire in a protest that I started to feel really bad. It was such a grossly inhuman incident, but the members praised their actions.
But it was when Atefeh learned that her foster brother Hamid, who had gone to Iraq to become a soldier, had been killed that she began her fight to get her mother out of the sect.
- It’s still painful to talk about, Atefeh says and falls silent for a while.
- I got to see a film on YouTube that showed an execution of my brother, a film that was used as propaganda. They had sent Hamid completely defenseless, straight to the bullets to die. I realized that this is the same kind of propaganda I have seen about other so-called martyrs. Now it was about my brother and it was only then that the chips were down, their deaths were part of an elaborate propaganda machine.
Now Atefeh realized that it was a merciless organization she was dealing with and began to think about the criteria of what a cult is, and began a long process to get her mother out.

Atefeh Sebdani

Today Atefeh lives with the love of her life Max, together they have three children

This is how Atefeh lives today

Today Atefeh lives with the love of her life Max, together they have three children.
- He became my reason to want to continue living and I felt for the first time really loved, again. And with his simple questions, I understood my warped reality.
Atefeh sees how the Mujahedin work hard lobbying at a high political level. But her desire to encourage others to help where she sees children in harm’s way has been greater than the fear of what the Mujahedin might threaten her, as a defector, with.
- If you see signals or have a gut feeling, you should trust it. I hope that you as an authority will realize what responsibility you have.
She wants to tell about what she has been through also for her own sake, for the little child whose hand was torn from her mother’s over thirty years ago.
- I have always loved the power of words, both in written and spoken form. But I’ve never had to give space to that side because I’ve been so controlled. As a child I had no dreams, I never planned to grow up. Today I want to take my place and am proud of myself. I choose to tell the little girl who managed despite everything and who now gets to live out a dream she didn’t even know she had.

By FRIDA FUNEMYR – Femina; Sweden’s largest magazine for women – published in Swedish, Translated by Nejat Society

September 30, 2023 0 comments
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Atefeh Sebdani
Former members of the MEK

Listen to Atefeh, the little girl smuggled to Europe by the MEK

“My Hand in Mine” is an autobiography authored by Atefeh Sebdani. She was born to parents who were members of the Mujahedin_e Khalq. Atefeh and her two brothers were residing in the group’s headquarters, Camp Ashraf, Iraq, until the group’s leader Massoud Rajavi ordered to smuggle all children from Iraq to Western countries. Atefeh and her brothers were smuggled to Sweden.

Atefeh Sebdani’s inspiring story was published in Swedish language and by the Swedish publication Albertbonniersforlag. This is the publisher’s description about the book:
A little girl clings to her mother, but grown hands pry her from her mother’s arms.

Later, the girl sits on a worn-out bus driving along dusty roads towards an unknown destination. She has her arms around her little brothers and comforts them with her mother’s last words: We will see each other again soon.

Why do you abandon your children? Atefeh is five years old when she and her brothers are smuggled to Europe. The parents are soldiers in an Iranian resistance movement and remain in the organization’s military camp. In a stroke, the five-year-old is the mother of her brothers.
“Min hand i min” is a story about growing up with no one to hold on to but yourself, about abuses that are skillfully cleaned up and about a society that fails to see the vulnerable child. But it is also a story of a stubborn burning vitality, and of the courage to finally break free.

Atefeh Sebdani

Atefeh and her two brothers

This is a review on the book published by the Swedish newspaper Gothenburg Post:
“Despite all the darkness, the book is pleasant to be in, thanks to the author’s supple language. Atefeh Sebdani … writes matter-of-factly and with a clear forward movement where every sentence is carefully formulated … a very readable autobiography that gives insight into how the is escaping from one country and growing up in another, and what it means to be a woman in an environment where male desire rules.”

The number of children of the MEK members who were smuggled to European and North American countries mounts to 700. Many of these children –about 300– were later sent back to Iraq under the pretext of visiting their parents but they were recruited by the MEK’s army as child soldiers. They were forced to wear military uniform and to receive military trainings.
The stories of MEK child soldiers are distressful. Several of them were killed in the MEK. A number of them could manage to leave the group. A few of them dared to speak out in the news media and social networks, like Amin Golmaryami, Amir Yaghmai, Zhina Hosseinnezhad and Ray Torabi.

Of those who were lucky and were not sent back to Iraq, a few have written their autobiographies. Hanif Aziz, 40, now a Swedish police officer, is the son of Mujahed parents too. He published his tragic autobiography of an orphan who strived in Sweden, in the early 2021, in Swedish language. The book was titled “Suburban snout”.

September 27, 2023 0 comments
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