A Probe into Never Responded Questions

It seems that Maryam Rajavi’s recent trip to some European countries as Iranian president-elect in exile and her interview with a variety of Medias creates her an opportunity to provide appropriate answers to many existing but ambiguous challenges. Naturally, most of the journalists and media men have got tired of hearing and penning mediocre issues like that of Iran’s nuclear file, claims of the West granting concessions to Iranian regime, human rights violations, terrorism, women’s violated rights, the third democratic option, referendum, and many of the like articulated in her speeches. The details have always remained undiscovered for the reporters as she is most interested in generalization.

She always tries to avoid expounding on issues that disclose her organization’s clear stance; its inclination to the armed struggle as the main strategy, its past collaboration with the ousted Iraqi dictator, the reach of its publicity among its own insiders, sympathizers and Iranian people, its general view on the global terrorism, its ties with Israel and many more. Hardly any questions have been arisen in respect to the mentioned. Karim Haghi’s correspondence with Paulo Casaca, a Portuguese MP, inspired me for the first time to suggest questions that media men might put forward for her to answer, questions that should have already been asked but dropped to be published for certain reasons.

The following questions are examples of hundreds of questions that I myself as a journalist might have asked her if came face to face with her. You may add many more if you like.

1. Can Mojahedin once and for all express their clear stance on the armed struggle strategy?

2. If they have converted to be pro-democratic, can they explain about the internal revolutionary spark behind it?

3. Seemingly, unlike the early Mojahedin, they crow to be no anti-imperialists. Thus it requires them to be democrat, liberal, advocates of unlimited private properties, and so. Can they explain where and when they have discussed the details on the approach?

4. If Mojahedin have really foresworn the armed struggle, then, for what reason they are fully preserving the so-called Liberation Army?

5. How could Mojahedin justify the absolute contradiction between the contents of their ideological revolution and their seemingly inclination to the Western democracy?

 6. Most of the defectors, analyzers, Human Rights Watch, and intelligent agencies believe the organization follows a cult-like procedure. How can Mojahedin justifiably reprove?

7. The Iranian opposition in general consider Mojahedin as hegemonist. What do they have to say?

8. Can Mojahedin prove how popular they are among Iranian people?

9. Is it logical that their estimation of their popularity among Iranian is based on a comparison made on Camp Ashraf residents and that of Iranian population?

10. Can Mojahedin explain about their impartial role in Iraq under the tyranny of Saddam?

11. What position do they take on bombings inside Iran killing many innocent civilians?

12. What Mojahedin think of UNHCR’s resolve that any decision on Mojahedin’s future in Iraq is up to the decision of Iraqi authorities?

13. Mojahedin propagate they are supported by Iraqi people. The authorities, in contrast, insist to expel them. Does it mean that they believe the Iraqi government fails to be people’s legitimate representative?

14. They have preferred to take a silent position on Saddam’s past atrocities against people while they reiterate to advocate a democratic Iraq. How do they justify the controversy?

15. Why Mojahedin have remained silent about many proven evidences of their past close collusion with Saddam’s intelligent system disclosed by many news agencies?

16. Common in all political groups and parties, the insiders have the freedom to leave whenever they wish. Is it also the same in MKO?

17. Suppose Mojahedin have formed a transitional government emphasizing democratic freedoms. As they have repeatedly rejected activities from the side of the advocates of the Islamic Republic and the monarchists in their government, how do they define democracy? And what if people vote for a system of monarchy?

18. Self-immolation and self-burnings are commonly practiced in MKO. Are they ideologically adopted practices?

19. Mojahedin believe that MKO’s proscription in the list of global terrorist organizations was the outcome of a move to appease Iranian rulers. The West is now taking a hostile position against Iran, as seen in Iran’s nuclear file. Why Mojahedin are still labeled as terrorists?

20. Published in Mojahedin’s documents, they have announced the responsibility of 140,000 political assassinations in Iran. Do they still reiterate their claim?

21. Is the proposed democratic solution the outcome of Mojahedin’s failure in armed struggle strategy or a fundamental change in their ideology?

22. Mojahedin state that the State Department added the MKO to a list of global terrorist organizations as ‘a signal’ of the U.S.’s desire for rapprochement with Iran’s reformists. Now the fundamentalists have assumed the power as they believe. Besides, the US has taken a more hostile attitude towards Iran and Mojahedin claim to a have close role in Iran’s nuclear file. Yet, they still remain a blacklisted terrorist group. Where the discrepancy lies?

23. To stay in Iraq, Mojahedin claim to be relying on people’s support, then they state they are enjoying the protected status granted by the coalition forces, and last, they get hold of international conventions. Can they define which has the real priority?

24. Mojahedin and the NCRI pose to be the main Iranian opposition. What about other opposition? Where they have achieved the superiority or the legitimacy?

25. Mojahedin have recurrently attacked Iranian embassies in many countries. How do they justify such undemocratic attempts?

26. Besides Camp Ashraf in Iraq, Mojahedin have a variety of bases in France and other European countries. Are the members dispersed in different bases equally treated as to the organization’s internal parameters?

27. Can Mojahedin make it clear about their budget and the financial sources?

28. How do Mojahedin define terrorism?

29. How Mojahedin justify compulsory divorces of the members, ban of procreation, and denial of familial life?

And there are many more questions to be proposed. We hope the European parliamentarians bear these questions in mind when they hold meetings with Maryam Rajavi.

Mojahedin.ws  – Omid Pouya  – December 10, 2006

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