Rajavi’s message of November 4, seemingly addressed to Iranian mobs who instigated the recent sporadic domestic crises, is nothing more than desperate struggle to cease the already started measures to put an end to the issue of Mojahedin in Iraq and the Camp Ashraf residents in particular. The message contains points that explicitly indicate, in contrast to Rajavi’s instantaneous reaction to and analysis of the post-election social chaos, Rajavi has completely lost any hope of exploiting the opportunity to expend it for the accomplishment of organizational causes. Starting with lines of repetitious slogans and slanders that are typical of his messages, he suddenly changes to the main issue, that is Camp Ashraf, to express his concern about its future.
Of course, as usual his tone is threatening and warns the Iraqi Government of a possible human tragedy inside the camp and those acquainted with his words know well what he means by the stated “human tragedy”. Although he accepts the relocation of the camp to a third country, preferably to the United States or a country member of the European Union as he names, the move is subject to certain conditions that he knows will not be accomplished at least until the end of 2011. Of the interesting points to mention is his demand of over 200 million dollars as the price of Camp Ashraf from the Iraqi Government. He states:
Mojahedin in Ashraf welcome and respect the recent plan of the Iraqi Government to relocate them to a third country from among the member countries of the EU or the U.S. with the provision that the issue of their properties and belongings there, all the result of their travail for 23 years, that exceed 200 million dollars is dealt with under the judgment of the international lawyers and according to the articles 52 and 53 of the Hague Convention.
But he never mentions who has paid for the construction of Ashraf. A look at the documents disclosing huge amounts of dollars Saddam had allocated to Mojahedin indicates the real owners of the camp; for sure, if brought before the Hague Tribunal, Rajavi fails to be recognized the owner but the Iraqi poor people whose money was expended for the unwanted guests. No doubt, Mojahedin were empty handed when they arrived at Iraq in 1986 and in need of aid. Now, Rajavi has to explain how he managed to build a “city” with an empty pocket or where all the aids came from? But it is not only the question of the expenses and aids spent for Ashraf. As Rajavi points out:
The fighters of the National Liberation Army (NLA) surrendered 20 thousand pieces of arms and 20 thousand tones of ammunition to the American forces as a deal to give them protection until the ultimate solution.
Not speaking of all those granted sums of dollars by Saddam as well as paying for daily military, logistics, espionage and training expenses. However, nobody questions him why on the one hand he is trying to connect his organization to the periodically fomented crises in Iran that he believes will promise an imminent victory while on the other hand he does his utmost to stay in Iraq and to postpone the organization’s expulsion. We read:
First, the United Nation has prohibited any forceful relocation of Ashraf residents as protected persons. Second, we least expect the American forces to guarantee any violent assault against the residents and their relocation to another camp in Iraq until the end of 2011. Third, the Iraqi Government must respect the rights of Ashraf residents according to the European Parliament’s Resolution issued on 24 April 2009 until they are transferred to the U.S. member countries of the E.U.
Rajavi himself knows better than anybody that the best thing to do at the present is to do and say nothing since at least the past thirty years has proved that his promised democratic revolution is nothing more that childish fancies and that he is living by fancies and slogans rather than reality. How can he chants the slogans of leading a revolution while he is hiding somewhere far behind the people he tries to push and instigate for violence as a move to fulfill democracy? Where are these so-called vanguards of revolution and what are their legal rights when, in his message, he says:
By respecting the Iraqi sovereignty and all countries wherein the members, supporters and sympathizers of Mojahedin Khalq Organization reside, we insist on our legal rights to our last breath.”
We have nothing to do with whom are harboring Rajavi and his close disciples but one thing is clear that his stressed legal rights are acceptance of him and his adherents in the referred countries; that is the essence of his message and what you can read between the lines of his blustering and fuss. This message, as were his last messages and will be the case with his future one, focuses on the preservation of Ashraf as his cult’s main abode rather than leaving for any far better host country. To depict it in a figurative way, Ashraf is Rajavi’s favored horse he loves to ride whenever he encounters an opportunity!