Articles

Agents of crimes in Ashraf held solidarity in Paris

Holding ceremonies on ridiculous occasions, with the presence of tarnished guests in Auver Sur d’Oise is just a resort for political show-off and it is never worth to discuss but Maryam Rajavi and her flatterers’ speeches are worth to discuss, while Ashraf residents are at the edge of Rajavi’s armed strategy (treason and spying);in the worst possible situation, they are compensating for Maryam Rajavi and her clandestine husband.

The most controversial statement in Maryam Rajavi’s speech on the occasion of solidarity ceremony for the killed residents of Ashraf is this one:”I wish I were with you”. This statement was said in the most deceitful manner in order to incite the audience’s emotions. She is absolutely the best student of Massoud Rajavi’s class. For further complaining, in her show, she continues:
“These days, in every minute and every moment, I wonder what I am doing here; why I am not in Ashraf with you to accompany you in this prideful, sacred, splendid struggle.”

Definitely the question that is posed here is that: what stops you (Maryam and Massoud) going to Ashraf? Why did you prefer to escape from the camp rather than staying with other residents after American invasion to Iraq?

Do you really wish to be in Ashraf now?!!!

Don’t you remember what you said in your last meeting in Ashraf before all the residents (a few days before American invasion to Iraq in 2003) ? Didn’t you say that you should stay with your fighters until the last moment? But a few months later you were in France?

The residents of Ashraf didn’t know that you fled to France until you were arrested by French police.

Although your so-called respectful foreign guests have no idea of your unstable strategy during four–decade history of your cult and they are good sympathizers for you, as an ex-member of MKO,I would like to clarify that your insistence to stay in Camp Ashraf is not for the lives of the member but for the survival of your last executive arm since the loss of Ashraf base in Iraq equals the political death of Rajavi’s cult. And those rented respectful European and African audience will not accept your nonsense any more.

By the way, if you are so concerned about Khalq’s children in Ashraf, why haven’t you planned for their respectful departure from Iraq months after Iraqi government’s ultimatum for their expulsion from Iraq?

If you feel so pity for Ashraf residents, why did you order them to go on hunger strike?

Why didn’t you order your companions in Auver to go on hunger strike?

We declare that despite your claims of support for Ashraf residents, you are ready to cause more members to die for political survival of your cult and for achievement of your notorious intentions. The massacre of Ashraf residents is because of suicide operations, hunger strike or Iraqi Police raid …

Based on our past experiences, we reveal that for MKO leaders, members’ lives have no value!!!
Unfortunately, the proof of our testimony is the mass murders of a large number of MKO members during political phase which ended with the acceptance of Velayat – e- Faqih (Islamic Republic Regime) by Massoud Rajavi and his letter to Majles-e-Khobregan (Experts Council) and Maryam Rajavi’s suggestion for returning to Iran. The whole MKO’s strategy ended with Massoud and Maryam’s confession that they have been in the wrong way for thirty years, while they were victimizing Iranian children.

August 20, 2009 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization

History and fate of Mojahedin Khalq if expelled from Iraq

Text of report by Majid Mehrabi-Delju entitled "Last house of discord" published in Iranian newspaper Hamshahri website on 9 August

Recently Iraq’s military forces were ordered by the country’s government to attack and take over History and fate of Mojahedin Khalq if expelled from Iraq Camp Ashraf, which had been at the disposal of the hypocrites [Monafeqin in Persian, reference to Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization] since the time of Saddam Hussein.

Reports and images of the attack were given extensive coverage by the world’s media. The Iraqi government denied it had been violent with the camp’s residents, though it was said the attack killed more than 10 and injured 200 people. The Iraqi government had been talking to the heads of this little group for two years so they would recognize Iraq’s national right to exercise sovereignty over this parcel of Iraqi soil. But the MKO’ leaders – it is not clear with which argument – negated this right of sovereignty and refused the Iraqi government entry into the camp.

They believe Iraq is under occupation and wanted Iraq to implement the Iraqi agreement with America concerning the camp, which would be considered a negation of Iraq’s sovereign rights over its territory.

"Among the MKO’ group in Camp Ashraf, there are people whose hands are stained with the blood of Iraqis. We shall refer these people to competent Iraqi courts for trial. Likewise some of these people have their hands stained with the blood of the people of Iran, and we shall deal with them in line with the security agreement. Most of them of course have stated an interest in returning voluntarily to Iran, so we intend to make preparations for that." These were comments made in Bahman 1387 [January-February 2009] by Muwaffaq al-Rubay’i, the Iraqi national security adviser, at a press conference during a trip to Tehran.

A day after the anniversary of the Mersad operation, or the Eternal Shining [Forugh-e javedani] as it is ordinarily referred to in the MKO language, and a day before the anniversary date of Abolhasan Banisadr’s flight from Iran with [Mas’ud Rajavi] the head of the MKO (seventh Mordad 1360) [29 July 1981], the Iraqi army surrounded Camp Ashraf to begin the countdown to the end of the MKO’ 23-year residence at the base. After this certain media sought to find a link between visits made to Iran in recent months by Iraqi officials and the Iraqi army’s attack on Camp Ashraf.
But as the head of the Iran-Iraq parliamentary friendship group, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, has said, the attack was an internal Iraqi affair and, contrary to rumors, Iraq did not do this for Iran’s sake. It seems that one of the most important reasons for the attack was the MKO’ collaboration with Saddam Hussein in attacks on areas including Khalisiya and killing of various innocent Iraqi Kurds and Shi’a.

The camp, as the Christian Science Monitor has described, has risen like weed, and with elegant gardens and wide avenues, is a memento of [previous] intense differences between Iraq and its neighbour Iran. The Mojahedin became armed and wealthy under Saddam Hussein, launching numerous attacks on Iran from Iraqi territory, the review wrote at the time of the Iraqi army’s attack on Camp Ashraf. Wikipedia writes about the camp that it is a complex of buildings and streets, and includes educational, social and sporting facilities. It has four Olympic-size pools, a shopping centre, a zoo, a park, a university, and a standard-size football ground. The website stated that Camp Ashraf had given its size and to function effectively, services like a shop, bakery, petrol station and even traffic police.

Dictator’s green light
The camp was founded in 1986 with the green light from Saddam Hussein; the 3,400 people based in the camp have committed crimes in the past 23 years, including against other camp residents. During the Iraqi army’s attack on the camp, a mass grave was discovered inside the camp.

Wolf’s tracks
The MKO’ little group, following the calamity of the seventh Tir that martyred more than 70 members of the Islamic Republic Party, fled the country with Banisadr and preferred to pursue its counter-revolutionary manoeuvres from abroad, initially from France. In 1986 the French government forced the MKO to leave Paris, after which their base became Baghdad (the capital of Iraq). The group proceeded then to found a city north of Baghdad in the Diyala province, 80 kilometres from the Iran-Iraq frontier.

In addition to the terrorist actions the MKO carried out in Iran, the group also carried out military operations on the frontline against Iran during the imposed war [1980-88]. If we overlook the operations known as Aftab [Sun] and Chelcheragh [Chandelier] on Iran’s southern frontier, respectively taking place at midnight on the seventh Farvardin 1367 [27 March 1988] and midnight of 28 Khordad 1367 [18 June 1988], the operation Forugh-e Javidan [Eternal shining] was the best-known attack made on Iranian soil by the MKO.

Rajavi sought in this operation to do what Saddam failed to over eight years. He wanted to conquer Tehran in 33 hours. When the MKO entered Iran’s frontier towns and villages, they began to kill innocent people. They did not hesitate to decapitate patients and the injured in hospitals. The Mersad operations take place to repel this operation and the soldiers of Islam created a hell for the MKO in the Chaharzir district [in Kermanshah].

After that the MKO left their tracks on a number of terrorist acts inside Iran. The European Union and America kept the little group on their blacklist of terrorist groups for a number of years. But events concerning the sect led the European Union, led by the UK, to seek some way of opening their passage to Europe, as their the expulsion from Iraq seemed imminent.

Europe’s green light to the MKO

With the overthrow of the Iraqi regime in 2003, the MKO were disarmed by American troops. On the basis of the first phase of the security agreement between Iraq and America, signed on 26 Aban last year [16 November 2008], the country’s armed forces would take charge of Iraq’s security and American forces must return to specified bases. Camp Ashraf was not one of the camps placed under American control, but under the authority and influence of the Iraqis. The MKO should not have been pleased with the signature of the agreement.

They celebrated America’s national day for the Americans in Iraq and were happy with the presence of American troops in Iraq. About two months after the signing of the security agreement between Iraq and America (seventh Bahman) the EU removed the MKO from its list of terrorists. This could only mean one thing. At the same time various experts said the MKO’ removal from the terrorist list was a calculated response to the move due to take place in six months later in Iraq. Still, about 55 members of the MKO group in the camp (New Iraq Camp) are wanted by the international police.

Nobody will accept them

Iraq wants the MKO to leave the country or return to Iran or go to a third country. The Christian Science Monitor writes on Iraq’s decision to expel the MKO that the head of the Iraqi National Security Council believes that the members have been "brainwashed" and are potentially dangerous. It adds that it has been a difficult deal to persuade other countries to accept more than a few members of the group. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees has so far given refugee status to 250 former members of the Mojahedin though officials say only some have been accepted by third countries [the Christian Science Monitor wrote].

In fact days after the Iraqi army’s attack on the MKO’ camp in Diyala, Abd-al-Husayn al-Shammari, the police chief of the Diyala governorate north-east of Baghdad, said residents of the camp now called New Iraq Camp, have no choice but to leave Iraqi territory. "The high commission dealing with the New Iraq Camp dossier has given members a month to leave Iraqi territory and they must decide in this time to return to their country Iran, which has issued a general amnesty for them, or go to a third country. They no longer have the option of remaining in Iraq," he said. A Western official has said Camp Ashraf is the last place left to the MKO, and asked, what are they without it?

Source: Hamshahri, Tehran in Persian – Translated by:BBC Monitoring Middle East

August 18, 2009 0 comments

The cult of Rajavi

Temporal Marriage, Rajavi’s Latest Scandal

After the appearance of the first round of interviews of Sahar site with Mrs. Batool Soltani, a female member of council of leadership of MKO that has recently managed to escape Camp Ashraf, many noted the necessity of the continuation of these interviews. Now there are more than 20 episodes of these statements in Sahar site that confirms their accuracy and truthfulness. The surprising nature of her statements was anticipated yet the great extent to which they have caused surprise in readers was unexpected. She implies the fact that the extent of disclosure against the organizational activities of MKO depends on the extent of direct contact and interaction of members with the top layers of the organization. In other words, the closer the detached members to the top layers, the more shocking would be the exposé of the internal relations of the organization. The significance of her statements lies in the fact that she is the first female detached member of the organization from the highest echelon of MKO and one of the closest to the leadership. Therefore, she is an eyewitness and her statements are not but the description of her own observations in the organization.

It is evident that her statements on some aspects like the relation of Rajavi with the members of leadership cadre are so shocking for other detached members since as she asserts, even the ranks below the level of leadership cadre have not been aware of these affairs and Rajavi has insisted on secreting these information in the council of leadership. Consequently, members of a high organizational status that have been unaware of these relations appear terribly surprised. The statements of other detached members like Mr. Shahsavandi confirm the hierarchical order of MKO and its intra organizational censorship. Control of information is the common practice of Rajavi in all organizational issues. For example, what Mr. Shahsavandi knew about the trial of Ali Zarkesh as well as his own discussions with Rajavi in this regard was buried away up to his separation from the organization. This is another cultic profile of MKO reveled by many detached members like Mr. Shahsavandi and Mrs. Soltani.

Likewise, the issue of Rajavi’s temporary marriage with the female members of council of leadership has to be investigated from a cultic point of view as it is a common practice almost in all cults in which the leader has relation with female members. This is the latest news on the scandals of MKO leadership leading to numerous negative consequences. Before, many detached members as well as dissident opposition groups to MKO condemned the marriage of Masoud Rajavi with Maryam Azdanlu and considered it the result of love affair between the two while Rajavi tried to prevent its internal and external feedbacks by calling it an ideological marriage. Despite all the accusations made by MKO dissidents against Rajavi in this regard, we held out hope that this marriage was merely a solution for ending the political and ideological cul-de-sac of the organization rather than a love affair. Unfortunately, the statements of Mrs. Soltani raise our doubts in this regard.

A brief look at the past and the time when Mrs. Soltani escaped MKO and the intentional silence of Mojahedin on her first interviews refraining from confirming the news of her escape indicates that there was a rationale behind the silence of the organization. It is the common practice of the organization to take a hostile position toward any detached member (even of the lowest organizational status) and publicize a writing of the member implying that all his/her future statements against the organization would be baseless as it was practiced for Marzieh Qorsi and many more after their separation. Surprisingly enough, Mojahedin have refrained to take any position against Mrs. Soltani or accuse her abusively, why? Some reasons on this silence were elaborated on before. However, the statements of Mrs. Soltani give us a better understanding of the issue.

The silence of the organization as well as making contacts with Ms. Soltani on the part of the organization promising to prepare the ground for her to live wherever she likes with her children has its roots in the fact that the organization is well aware of the negative consequences of her escape and revelations so is making its utmost efforts to convince or tempt her to maintain silence on the secrets of the council of leadership. Undoubtedly, her statements on the temporal marriage of Rajavi with the female members of council of leadership would raise many complaints, doubts and questions like that of the marriage of Maryam and Masoud. Likewise, it is likely that Rajavi’s justifications for these marriages would be similar to that of his marriage with Maryam.

The only persons to answer the questions on this issue are Ms. Soltani and those aware of it yet taking silence due to some reasons. Therefore, Sahar site would act as a bridge between Ms. Soltani and the readers in this regard. Also, those researchers studying on cults and MKO in particular are supposed to devote a part of their efforts to this subject and publicize the results of their studies. Evidently, this was an introduction to the issue that will be followed by more specialized and detailed articles in this regard.

August 18, 2009 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization

MKO’s Outlook on Democracy and Government

The methodology and worldview of MKO as well as the picture Rajavi depicts of the world is fundamentally in conflict with the principles of civility and its components like reason, rationale, interaction, forum and relativism in thought. In fact, he considers the truth as an absolute concept monopolized in the ideology of his organization. In other words, truth for Mojahedin is not a relative concept but a kind of dogmatic notion that has its roots in empirical sciences and ideology.

As a result, only one group, trend, worldview, and ideology has perfect legitimacy and there is no room for other ideologies, trends, and doctrines. Based on these understandings,

Rajavi came to the conclusion that his ideology could auto dynamically eliminate the outside forces to assume its hegemony and dominance step by step. He even criticized the structure of western knowledge and derided their offspring like liberalism and individualism as well as the theories of the intellectuals and theoreticians of capitalist world and American pragmatism in order to prove his philosophic and ideological inferences that were based on the principle of polarity.

Taking a look at the doctrines and principles of the organization extracted from the theoretical book “The way of Hussein” may give us a better understanding of the real viewpoint of the organization and its leadership on democracy and other manifestations of civility.

It will give us other instances of MKO methodology to prove the fact that Rajavi has temporally deviated from the organizational principles of Mojahedin that the organization strongly adhered to. Unlike the past, now Mojahedin pretend to move on the same line with Western-favored concepts like private ownership (equal to robbery in the doctrines of MKO), open-market economy, and capitalism in recent years to win the support of westerners and the US in particular. In the book “The Democracy Betrayed” that includes answers to the accusations of the declaration of the US State Department, it is claimed that the founders of the organization had no objective but modeling the American society. In other words, Rajavi seems to have yield to capitalism,

American democracy, as well as all its cultural and ideological accomplishments based on liberalism and pragmatism.

Of the challenges facing Mojahedin in the US State Department’s statement is that they are accused of ideological inclination toward a totalitarian government and supremacy of the minority: the ruling of minority over majority is an indication of the direct effects of Communism on Mojahedin. These concepts having their roots in historical materialism and the principle of polarity, are opposed to Imperialism and consider modern concepts like democracy as well as social and individual freedom mere slogans for deceiving the masses.

The following excerpt may prove that Mojahedin refrain to believe in democracy, the vote of majority yet consider these concepts as the main enemies of their ideology. On the other hand, Mojahedin believe in the rule of minority over majority and refusal of democracy and the freedoms promoted by liberalism. An important point is that Mojahedin rely on a dynamism without which there is no possibility for understanding Qur’an. This is the boundary drawn between the interpretations made by MKO founders from Qur’an and the classic ones from their early years. The following is an excerpt from the book “The way of Hussein” based on which the ideology of the organization is to be analyzed:

By accepting the dynamism of the Qur’an and understanding its attitudinal basis, we will find no justification to adapt it to capitalism or separate it from government. Particularly, it has to be pointed out that the Islamic government is rich in respecting freedom and the will of man yet has no similarity to the democracy promoted by the West that is mere superstition. On the other hand, it promotes a kind of power enforcement and council leadership and in general, the ruling of the pious is its final manifestation. In this frame, the pious who are recognized by their more awareness of social issues lead the society and move it toward the fundamental of Qur’an.1
It is concluded that Mojahedin recognize no legitimacy for democracy or election for choosing the type of government. More importantly, in contrast to what they propagandize on the separation of the state and religion, they fundamentally believe in an ideological system rooted in the religion and consider religion and government as two inseparable issues in opposition to the belief of capitalism and modern societies. They also believe that performing the dynamism of Qur’an is impossible but by grabbing at the combination of the state and religion on the one hand and negation of democracy on the other. It has been pointed out that they believe in the ruling of a particular group rather than election and democracy.

They refrain to see ruling based on the vote of majority of people and consider it based on the doctrines deducted from this dynamism and take its legitimacy from their ideology.
The only difference between the ideology of Mojahedin and Marxism is the substitution of common terminology of Marxism with new ones. Both are based on disagreement to election, social and individual freedom, rationale, reason, consensus, civil law, etc. A brief look at the history of Marxism in recent decades may give us a better understanding of the belief system of MKO in which modern concepts like separation of government and religion, election and democracy, respecting social and individual rights, freedom and other democratic concepts are considered superstition and nothing more.

References:
1. The Way of Hussein, MKO Publication, Tehran, 1980, p. 22.

August 18, 2009 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization

A report of purges within MKO- part two

Once in a letter addressed to Christopher George of Human Rights Watch/Middle East entitled Human Rights Abuse in Rajavi’s cult, Nowrooz Ali Rezvani, a disaffected and former member of MKO, presented documented reports of many physical and psychological mistreatments of the members by the leaders within the organization.

The following is a detailed and proven list of engineering operations plotted in years 1981 to 1994 in an attempt to purge some members for certain organizational reasons. The confessions by Mr. Rezvani well indicates the potentiality of the organization in subjecting the life of those in Camp Ashraf to severe jeopardy through a preplanned scenario and under the cover of defending the camp against the lawful interference of the Iraqi police to take the control in its hands.

It was a detailed account of human rights violation and now let’s point to some indications of Mojahedin’s inter-organizational relations to develop a better understanding of its anti-human nature and to what degree it respects the principles of democracy and human rights.

In winter 1982, Mojahedin Khalq forces stationed in the northern Kurdistan executed three POWs, one of them underage. The commander on the scene were Mr. Mesbah, a member of the central cadre, Mr. Assad, a deputy of the organization’s leadership from Tabriz. The commander of the firing squad was Qudrat-allah Heidari and the firing party was constituted of Mr. Karim Turk and a woman whose son had been executed by the Iranian regime.

In Spring 1984, four more POWs were executed in Kurdistan border zone, the jungles of Shah Nosqeh region just in the vicinity of Pazhveh Village. The executioners were Morteza, working in armory, from Hamada, Naser Turk known as Naser Gestapo, Karim Turk from Tabriz known as Karim fascist, Mr. Assad from Tabriz, Mahdi from Hamadan, and Reza Karam-Ali also known as Yaqub from Tehran.

In 1984, six dissidents were executed in the jungles of Shah Nosqeh region in Kurdistan as they were opposed to Rajavi’s announced imamate. The executed were pseudonymously called Saeed from Tabriz, Qasim from Zanjan, Naser from Shiraz, Rasoul from Kermanshah, Qulam from the northern Iran, and Suhrab from Tehran. The executioners were Karam from Hamadan, Reza Karam-Ali from Tehran, Naser Turk, Karim Turk and Ibrahim Zakeri, the commander of the execution.

In 1985, more than 700 members of the organization were imprisoned in the Iraqi Kurdistan region in jails located in suburb Saveh, Kahrizeh, and Camp Ghayur. Other imprisoned were some members of political bureau and central council including Ali Zarkesh along with other 117. They were all condemned to death and following their preliminary investigations they were sent to prisons in Suleymanieh.

In 1985, more than 50 recalcitrant members of the organization were imprisoned in the Iraqi Kurdistan city of Suleymanieh and built jails in camps Mesbah ans Ghayur. Some were also imprisoned within the safe houses in Kirkuk.

In 1990, more than 500 recalcitrant members of the organization were imprisoned in the castle-like Debs Prison in the vicinity of Kirkuk. The prisoners’ seven day-long hunger strike is an indication of their protest to drastic shortages and harsh prison condition.

In 1991, there were numerous jails and cells inside Camp Ashraf, some of them were the prison of the municipal building, the prison of college, the prison behind the rifle range, the residential prison, and prison H which was one of the most horrible solitary confinements with cell cages in size of graves, there were other prisons in headquarters and army regiments as well.
In 1992, there were prisons and safe-houses set up around Baghdad including prison Muhammad zabeti, prison Saadati, prison Seifi, prison Akbarzadegan, prison Malik Marzban, a prison known as the camp of the members of the National Council of Resistance close to American Embassy, prison Mirzai, prison Dr. Muhammad Tabatabai, prison Rezai, and more.
Pakistan, 1987. Asghar Mirzai working in the Voice of Mojahed from the northern Iran was sent to Pakistan after engaging in some inter-organizational friction. After a while the organization announced that he had broken with the organization and had reported information about the camps of the National Liberation Army and headquarters of leadership to Iranian regime. Still the members were digesting the story that there came the news of his assassination by the regime. His wife was in a state of mental imbalance since it remained an unsolved question why her husband was killed soon after his separation.

Explanation: Asghar had been long working in Rajavi’s private bastion known as Camp Badi-zadegan located 45 km. west of Baghdad in Abu-Ghurib region where he made programs for the Voice of Mojahed. Thus, he had proven information concerning Mojahedin’s implication in Haj massacre and he was also the link between the Voice of Mojahed’s broadcasts and the Iraqi regime.

Of other obliterated members to name was Bahram Turk from Tabriz who worked in Rajavi’s private bastion known as Camp Badi-zadegan located 45 km. west of Baghdad. He knew anything about Rajavi’s residential and its secrets. Later, he was identified as a troublemaker and was degraded to work as a simple gardener in Rajavi’s private courtyard. It did not take long to be announced that he had been found drowned in the camp’s pool. He was reported to have fallen into the pool and drowned as he could not swim and there was nobody around to help him. Bahram was a real source of information and knew things about the organization’s association in Haj massacre. His wife was six month pregnant when he died and the baby was named Bahram after him.

Explanation: Reza Asadi was once a pilot in IR Air Force who had his hand in the escape of Dr. Banisadr and Masoud Rajavi from Iran. He was a comrade working close with Bahram and knew him well. A detached member, now he is living in Netherlands. In a letter to a friend, he gave some details about Bahram’s skill in swimming.

On the day we met, we talked about the article you penned for the Nimrooz. Now I try to give some details. For two years I was working with Bahram in a garage in Baghdad. He was one of those who lacked the proficiency to be invested with responsibility but was enthusiastically devoted to Maryam (Rajavi) and was ready to dive through a window hearing her name. The devotion branded him an ideological element with consequent conferred responsibilities. They say he was drowned in an ordinary pool. Your article in the Nimrooz made me recollect a joint travel I had with Bahram. We were en route to Kirkuk from Baghdad on a hot summer day in month Ramazan. We stopped the car on the bank of river Takrit, a big, rapid and raging torrent, to swim. I am a good swimmer and can swim in any condition.

But Bahram was many times better and swam easily in the deepest part of the river where hardly anybody, and even me, could swim. He swam so comfortably as if he was lying on a soft, flat mattress enjoying himself.

August 18, 2009 0 comments

USA

Washington wants to write off the Mujahedin-e Khalq

On 28 and 29 July 2009, more than 3000 members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) were forcibly evicted by the Iraqi police from their Ashraf base in Iraq. The armed confrontation left 13 people dead, 36 missing and countless wounded.

Adressing the western media, the Mujahedin office in Paris alleged that the operation was carried out by the government of Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki at Iran’s behest.

Furthermore, the organization accused the International Red Cross of passive complicity with both the Iraqi and Iranian authorities.

The truth of the matter is that the decision to sever ties with the MEK was taken by Washington following a study undertaken by the Rand Corporation, which established, on the one hand, the criminal character of the organization (cracking down on Kurdish and Shia dissidents on behalf of Saddam Hussein) and, on the other hand, its sectarian set-up (the religious cult of the Rajavi couple and the sequestration of their members). In particular, the study shows that the Mujahedin – highly adept at spinning – managed to hoodwink the Department of Defence and to obtain Donald Rumsfeld’s direct protection on the basis of false allegations.

A public version of this report titled "The Mujahedin-e Khalq in Iraq. A Policy Conundrum" has been put out by the Rand Corporation. It is undoubtedly the best reference work on the subject.
Voltaire Network was unable to obtain the classified version of the document. It contains, in addition, an account of the false intelligence transmitted by the MEK since 2003 to the Department of Defence regarding the so-called Iranian nuclear military program. Such intelligence, on which the neo-conservatives used to feast, was subsequently verified and totally discredited by the Director of National Intelligence, Admiral Mike McConnell.

It would appear that Washington’s decision was prompted by the failure of the « green revolution ». This operation was in fact orchestrated with the participation of the Mujahedin-e Khalq who staged various attacks during the presidential campaign and organized bloody provocations during the demonstrations. Considering the fiasco, it was preferable to part company with such incompetent collaborators and to erase any trace of that collaboration.

Voltairnet

August 12, 2009 0 comments

Massoud Rajavi

Rajavi enjoys the smell of blood and death

The clash between the members of MKO settled in Camp Ashraf and the Iraqi police on July 28-29 that left remarkable casualties is a proven indication of Rajavi’s earlier serious forewarnings to convert Ashraf residents to human shields to resist any threat. His never ceasing insistence on the possible occurrence of a human tragedy in Ashraf following the Iraqi government determination to expel the group and close the camp was considered to be a token of concerns about forced repatriation of members to Iran. In contrast, he really meant what he said about human tragedy by lining members before Iraqi forces as human shields and to resist against the lawful execution of a government’s decision. Once, when surrendering arms to the coalition forces, Rajavi had said he preferred ‘arms carriers to the arms themselves’. He knew well how his forces were potential, trained under his ideological instructions, to become formidable barriers to pass over even when disarmed.

The strategy of preferring ‘arms carriers to the arms’ is the continuation of a theory adopted from the very beginning of the organization’s formation known as the theory of crossing the death, a strategy enabling the organization to have the upper hand in its struggle with the Pahlavi’s notorious security forces. Of course, the theory has since undergone a fundamental change in the course of Rajavi’s egocentric authority over the organization but the impressive consequences of such a theory can never be overlooked. In fact, when Rajavi consented to surrender arms to American forces, he was anticipating a future when the arms carriers needed no arms to be more effective than any arms. And he did his well to educate them as well as he could to take the leading role in a propaganda and psychological war to attract all international attention the organization needed. Having such an ideal in prospect, Rajavi’s ideological apparatus inaugurated a new fashion of training armless combatants to be exploited as walking weapons who instead of targeting the enemy stood as targets themselves to show another side of an innate brutality.

It makes no difference for Rajavi to sacrifice from any side; the emphasis is on the applied brutality to lead on. What he needs is some victims; by provoking the forces of the challenging side, he is sure that the outcome would be nothing less than some bodies from the both sides rolling in their blood. To what degree the other side can take self-control and tolerate the provocation is of no significance since he knows how he can easily break their tolerance and incite them to engage in an inevitably harsh react. What has happened in Camp Ashraf is in fact some aspect of the long adopted theory of crossing the death, an inspired, invisible strategy that takes advantage of vulnerabilities of armed forces when coming to confront armless forces.

Rajavi’s adversaries have been regarded remarkably helpful themselves and forthcoming in the scene of potential emerging threats that happen to threaten the organization. For him, political struggle and survival are two sides of a coin; when prevailing over adversaries, the highest possible amount of lives fall victim to its brutality and, again, when it feels entrapped and overcome by the antagonist side, it is victims of the suicide and self-immolation operations that piles bodies on bodies. The novel form of the latter is formation of human shield that sends members to their death under the pretention of defending Ashraf. The objective in all these is death and well plotted scenarios to send individuals to their death.

In all past years what has helped Rajavi to maintain his organization and the stability and effectiveness of his leadership as well as propelling his failed tactics is the blood of victims from the within and without. He has recurrently reiterated that his antagonists have to either stay for or against him. His exploited approach against the opposite front is use of lethal arms to take victims or turning those staying with him to lethal arms themselves to be sacrificed to the last one. And Ashraf is a depot of such lethal weapons.

Unlike the past that the innocent people were coerced by their captors into lining as the human walls and human shields against the opposite forces, here in Rajavi’s cult it is through ideological instillations and brainwashing that the insiders volunteer to stand vulnerable to any threat as human shields. Even beyond that, they can turn into aggressive beings that capitalize on the opposite front’s humane manner and incite them to react in a harsh manner. Now it is blood that is shed and spilled with the consequent cries that insiders have been tyrannized, the human rights violated and a tragedy taken place. And behind this entire bloodbath, regardless of all those leading rankings having the control of Ashraf in their hands, stands Rajavi who enjoys the smell of blood and death.

August 11, 2009 0 comments

Jordan

Is Jordan the next option for MKO settlement?

Iran – following the collapse of the camp Ashraf, which was based for many years in Iraq to bring members of the "People’s Mojahedin Organization" (hypocrites) together, the leaders of the terrorist organization, are thinking of transition from Iraq to another Arab country.

"The People’s Mojahedin Organization", which was the active intelligence and operational arm of the defunct regime of Saddam, during the eight-year war imposed by Saddam against Iran, after the fall of the Baathist regime in Iraq were rounded up at camp Ashraf near Baghdad. Although the U.S. supported this terrorist organization as a means of exerting pressure on Iran, the Iraqi government, which accuses members of the terrorist organization guilty of criminal practices against Iraqi citizens have always been willing to get rid of the armed terrorist organization on its territory until the recent clashes that took place at Camp Ashraf where this terrorist base received a fatal blow, and now the leaders of the organization know very well that Iraq cannot be a safe place for their unsecure presence.

Consequently, Maryam Rajavi has recently traveled to Jordan to take permission from the Jordanian authorities and demand the officials of the country to accept the members of the MKO in Jordan.

Although there is no information on the details of the talks and Jordanians’ response to the terrorists, some political observers believe that the United States does not seem unwilling to transfer the headquarters of the MKO from Iraq to Jordan, because under the current circumstances, the United States itself and the European countries and the States bordering Persian Gulf do not want to move the headquarters into their territory, but Jordanian government, which remained loyal to Saddam until the last moments of his life as well as its absolute obedience to the United States, is the appropriate option to receive the members of this terrorist organization in its territory.

One of the concessions made by the MKO to the Jordanian authorities, is that this organization has a great operational and intelligence experience so it is able to assist the government and the security services in case of intensive presence of the Palestinians in Jordan (something that authorities of Jordan are not pleased with);it could act when it is necessary like the role it played in suppression of the Iraqi people uprising in 1991. Besides, considering the rapprochement between Jordan and Israel MKOwould serve them with its intelligence on Iran.

This point was noted last year by a group of MKO members during a meeting with a U.S. general in Iraq and the terrorist organization announced that if the United States was able to convince the government of Jordan to receive the organization’s members, they would not hesitate to cooperate with Israel to have paid the cost of their move to Jordan .

As MKO is despised by the people of Iran and isolated in Camp Ashraf and has lost of many of its troops, of course, will not be able to carry out such practices, but seeks to show itself as strong to convince Jordanians that it could be useful for them.

On the other hand, to stay safe from the reach of Iran and the Iraqi government – because it is accused by the two countries to carry out terrorist operations –MKO needs to gain Jordan’s support after the death of its former supporter and Jordan is betting on them as a political and intelligence tool.

Of course, in the light of the dwindling force of this failed terrorist organization, if the Jordanians, commit a terrible mistake and accept MKO members, they will not receive any benefit and but the ground of "insecurity" in their country will increase significantly.

After months of the arrival of the government of Nuri al-Maliki in Iraq, a number of Iraqi tribal leaders visited him and discussing various issues they raised the case of MKO existence in Iraq and noted that the organization is in charge of direct and indirect killing of a large number of both clans in an uprising in 1991 or what happened afterwards.

At this meeting, one of the tribal leaders said:” We want revenge for our dear ones and justice for the killers, but we consider that your Government is our Government, we will not intervene in the issue directly, we invite you to either of these options : to expel them from Iraq in order not to bear the responsibility their fate. We bust our order with them anywhere in the world, in addition to our enemies that we will know with the new host is found to the murderers of our children.

Now the choice for Jordanian government may be to accept existence of the terrorist organization to strain relations with Iran and the high ground where the lack of security, or will it act with tact and work like the rest of the Arab countries in order to avoid engaging in these dangerous and costly game.

August 11, 2009 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization

The raid to Ashraf could leave Iran cheering

Iran-Iraq Alliance?
Yesterday, Iraqi troops stormed a camp of Iranian exiles. The Daily Beast’s Reza Aslan on why the raid could signal Iraq’s shift away from the U.S.—and toward its former enemy.

Reports out of Iraq say government troops have raided the camp of an Iranian exile group, the Mujahedeen-e Khalq. Though the MEK has long been recognized as a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department, its members housed in Camp Ashraf just north of Baghdad had been placed under U.S. protection since the Iraq invasion in 2003.

U.S. military officials, including Gen. Ray Odierno, commanding general of the U.S.-led Multi-National Force in Iraq, insist the raid was carried out without their knowledge. Considering that the Iranian government has been clamoring for years to have the camp disbanded and the MEK members extradited to Iran to stand trial on terrorism charges, the action by the Iraqi government may indicate a shift in Iraqi policy away from Washington and toward friendlier relations with Tehran.

The MEK’s support for Saddam Hussein during the horrific eight-year war with Iran has made it perhaps the group Iranians detest .

A Marxist paramilitary organization formed in Iran in the 1960s, the MEK was an integral part of the anti-imperialist coalition that overthrew the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah in 1979. Its guerrilla tactics, which killed dozens of the shah’s supporters as well as a number of American soldiers and civilian contractors working in Iran at the time, were instrumental to the revolution’s success. After the formation of the Islamic republic, however, the MEK lost favor with the clerical regime and was promptly outlawed. Its members were forced to flee to Iraq, where they were provided protection from Saddam Hussein in exchange for their assistance during the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq.

After the American invasion of Iraq, members of the MEK were rounded up at Camp Ashraf and detained, as negotiators in Iran and the United States began mulling over a prisoner exchange. The Iranians had dozens of captured Taliban and al Qaeda fighters that they were willing to hand over to the U.S. in return for members of the MEK who had been charged with terrorist activities in Iran.

The interim Iraqi government encouraged the prisoner exchange. Indeed, it wanted all of the MEK members expelled from Iraq and prosecuted for the active role they took in assisting with Hussein’s massacre of the Kurds and Shiites after the first Gulf War. But as negotiations were under way, the Bush administration suddenly changed course and granted the MEK protected status under the Geneva Conventions—something it had yet to grant Iraqi prisoners of the war.

There was, at the time, a simple reason for the shift in policy, as the conservative commentator (and professional Islamophobe) Daniel Pipes wrote in 2003. The MEK, Pipes claimed, offered the Bush Administration “an excellent way to intimidate and gain leverage over Tehran.”

Put another way, the MEK may have been a terrorist organization with what the State Department insists is “the capacity and will to commit terrorist acts in Europe, the Middle East, the United States, Canada, and beyond.” But with the proper assistance it could become our terrorist organization.

Since then, the MEK and its Paris-based political wing The National Council on Resistance in Iran has been increasingly viewed as the most viable alternative to Iran’s clerical regime: the Iranian equivalent of Ahmed Chalabi’s Iraqi National Congress. That explains why the MEK/NCRI is the only internationally recognized terrorist organization with offices in D.C. and an open line to some extremely influential people within the federal government. Indeed, the group has been championed by more than a few powerful personalities on Capitol Hill, as well as by neocon avatars like Pipes and Richard Perle.

Rep. Bob Filner, a Democrat of California, has called the MEK “our best hope to counter the [Iranian] regime.” Last month, Filner, who is chairman of the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee, along with his fellow California Democrat, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, called on the Obama administration to actively assist the MEK/NCRI in its attempts to bring down the Iranian regime. (In 2002, more than 150 members of Congress signed a letter to the State Department demanding that the MEK be removed from its terrorist list; this year the European Union caved to pressure and removed the group from its own terror watch list.)

Senator Sam Brownback, a Republican of Kansas, echoes Filner. When I spoke to him a few years ago for a related story, Brownback told me: “There are serious questions to be raised about [the MEK’s] terrorist designation, particularly in light of the intelligence they have provided on Iran’s nuclear program.”

The MEK/NCRI has indeed provided both Israel and the United States with a trove of intelligence about Iran. Unfortunately, as was the case with the Iraqi National Congress, a great deal of that intelligence is not only uncorroborated but unquestionably tainted by the organization’s own personal interests.

Even some of the most ardent opponents of the Islamic Republic are wary of the MEK’s influence in the U.S. government. Michael Ledeen, founder of the Coalition for Democracy in Iran and one of the most vocal supporters of regime change in Iran, bluntly dismisses the possibility of cooperating with MEK.

“I do not think we should have anything to do with the MEK,” Ledeen once confided to me. “They are a terrorist organization despised by most Iranians.”

Ledeen is right. The MEK’s support for Saddam Hussein during the horrific eight-year war with Iran has made it perhaps the group Iranians detest.

Yet for a great many of the group’s detractors, it is not so much its terrorist designation that is of concern but rather the bizarre devotion its members have for their husband and wife leaders, Maryam and Massoud Rajavi. Scholars and human-rights activists have long accused the organization of functioning like a religious cult, employing brainwashing techniques, ideological cleansings, forced celibacy (except when it comes to the Rajavis themselves), and even torture to condition its members to absolute obedience.

When French authorities arrested Maryam Rajavi—whom the group considers Iran’s president in exile—in 2002 for her alleged involvement in terrorist activities, several of her followers immolated themselves on the streets of Paris in protest. According to Human Rights Watch, members who have criticized the Rajavis or their organization have been detained against their will—and some have committed suicide to escape. Those who refuse to be rehabilitated were sometimes forced to make videotaped confessions of their disloyalty, then handed over to Saddam Hussein as Iranian spies to be tortured.

None of this fazes supporters like Filner, who has declared that since an invasion of Iran is not a viable option at the moment, the U.S. should just “get out of the way” and let the MEK do the job for us.

“We should not stand in their way of trying to get rid of the present regime,” Filner said.
In other words, the enemy of my enemy…

It is difficult to know how to read the sudden decision by the Iraqi government to raid and disband the MEK camp. Does the move imply increased tensions between the Iraqi and U.S. military? Is Iraq betting that, with American troops soon departing, warmer relations with Iran—which, after all, is not going anywhere—may serve its interests better than relations with the U.S.?

Thus far, it seems that no decision has been made about what to do with the MEK members rounded up in the raid. Will they be extradited to Iran, where they will surely face execution? Would that not drive a wedge between the U.S. and Iraq?
Stay tuned.

Reza Aslan, a contributor to The Daily Beast, is assistant professor of creative writing at the University of California, Riverside and senior fellow at the Orfalea Center on Global and International Studies at UC Santa Barbara. He is the author of the bestseller No god but God and How to Win a Cosmic War.

August 11, 2009 0 comments

Mujahedin Khalq Organization

A report of purges within Mojahedin Khaq

Massoud and Maryam Rajavi the cult leaders

The confessions by Mr. Rezvani well indicates the potentiality of the organization in subjecting the life of those in Camp Ashraf to severe jeopardy through a preplanned scenario and under the cover of defending the camp against the lawful interference of the Iraqi police to take the control in its hands.

Aggressive reaction of Camp Ashraf residents to confront the Iraqi police, that in the first look may seem to be inevitable in such occasions, demonstrates covert plots that were suspended until a golden opportunity could frame all together. The warning bells had been already rang and the least the Iraqi government can do is to decrease the costs which requires considerable and deliberate prudence when dealing with such a conundrum and odious organization. Now soon after the attacks the organization has started a new round of propaganda blitz mainly focusing on the killed members; a probe into the past thirty years clarifies that it has been typical of the organization and the Rajavis to advance cultic causes by moving over the victims whose death remains a matter of obscurity. The members who are claimed to have died in clashes between Iraqi police and Ashraf residents follow the same craftily plotted scenario that grants the opportunity of helping the organization to get rid of its dissidents.

Facts revealed by former members indicate that a number of MKO members committed suicide because they were prevented from leaving the organization and that suicide was also claimed as the cause of death for recalcitrant members who had to be erased. Once more, we forewarn the international organizations and bodies of the repetition of past incidents that can be best judged by the members themselves; does it sound believable that the members’ death in any form has merely been accidents? Mr. Rezvani’s references to some of these deaths within MKO can provide some answer to some degree.

The first floor in Camp Shafaee located in Kirkuk
A woman called Nahid dropped to her death falling out of the first floor of a building of Camp Shafaee located in Kirkuk, Iraq. She was announced to have committed suicide. According to MKO, she was psychologically ill and her suicide was identified the result of her nurse’s negligence.

Baghdad, Iraq, 1976
A woman named Zahra was designated to work as a kitchen porter in Camp Saadati after she was demoted of her organizational rank. Later, her frozen body was found in the refrigerator.

Sardasht, Kurdistan, 1986
In Sardasht zone, a man from southern Iranian province named Abbas was shot deliberately by his commander as reported by eye-witnesses. He was an old member of the organization and opposed to inter-organizational relations. He had long been watched and sent to the military section as a punishment where he was then liquidated through a plot.

Kirkuk, Iraq, Debs Prison
Mohammad Gamoush imprisoned in section 200 of Debs Prison was found hanged. The organization buried his body behind the walls of the section 200 of Debs Prison.

Kurdistan, Iran-Iraq borderline, 1987
Hassan Muhammadi, a member of MKO, is suspiciously drawn in the border river Zab. He had been condemned to death by the inter-organizational court located in Iraqi soil. Suffering long days in a prison located in Kurdistan, Iraq, he was transferred to Mesbah Prison in Suleymanieh where he managed to escape in an attempt to make contacts with the organization’s rankings and even the leader himself in Baghdad to inquire why he had been condemned to death and imprisoned.

For the second time in Camp Saadati in Baghdad he stood trial and again Abbas Davari and Muhammad Hayati condemned him to death and imprisonment. On Rajavi’s order his death verdict was commuted and he was employed in a transportation stock as a simple worker where he had to stay day and night. Two times he was violently attacked and beaten by Mojahedin thugs, two of whom can be named as Hassan Tahmasebi and Mashaallah from Tehran. Muhammadi was then dispatched to the organization’s military section where he was ostensibly drawn in the River Zab overnight. He was an old member of MKO and imprisoned in the Pahlavi’s regime. His brother was a ranking member and had detached from the organization in 1978 after being released from the prison.

Khalis Province, Iraq, Camp Ashraf 1991
A man was found smothered with a handkerchief in his mouth in a resident prison in Camp Ashraf. His body was found while they were checking and inspecting residential.
Two other women died in suspicious and the organization announced they had committed suicide by taking cyanides while access to such toxic substances was impossible in Camp Ashraf. The two were dissidents who intended to leave and had refused the ideologically enforced divorces.
A recalcitrant member had announced his separation; his head was crushed between two military IFA trucks in regiment 96. The organization announced his death an accident as a result of cloud and the darkness.

In 1991, nearly 1000 dissident members ran a hard life in the camps’ jails as well as Saddam’s notorious prisons where they spent weeks and months in solitary confinements. At the end it was the awful camp in Romadi that awaited the dissident, a fearsome place where Rajavi had sworn to banish the dissident, where they would pray one thousand or one million times a day to die and would see and touch death in any moment.

And so it was that a dissident named Javad failed to tolerate the rough condition dominating the camp and hanged himself before the Office of the Refugees’ Affairs just before the eyes of his comrades. Many reports have been so far directed to you concerning the act and I deem it necessary to unveil some facts about a number of murders committed by MKO.
In May 1984 in Paris, a woman named zhale commits suicide by jumping before a train to show her opposition to MKO’s internal ideological revolution and Masoud Rajavi’s leadership. She had been under psychological pressure by her organizational supervisors.

In 1984 in Kurdistan, Iraq, a MKO’s military commander, called Abbas, shots a dissident back in the head causing his immediate death. The murderer is still in the organization.

In 1984 in Kurdish zone of Iranian Sardasht-Baneh, for three times the injured, captive forces of Iranian army were machine-gunned on the command of a MKO’s commander named Nasser Gestapo.

In 1983 in Kurdish zone of Iranian Sardasht, Zamziran Village, a wounded POW was machine-gunned by a commander of MKO named Yahya from Zanjan.

In 1983 in Kurdish zone of Iranian Sardasht, Kavalan Village, two wounded POWs were machine-gunned by a commander of MKO’s operation team named Hadi Gestapo.

In 1984 in Kurdish zone of Iranian Bukan, two wounded POWs were machine-gunned by a commander of MKO named Reza Sanandaji.

In 1986, Baghdad, Iraq, Mojtaba Mirmiran, a member known to be poet working in the propaganda section of the Voice of Mojahed, was found hanged in Camp Mirzai located in Baghdad, Al-Saadun St. He was one of those recalcitrant members strongly opposed to Rajavi’s leadership. The organization announced his death another case of suicide.

August 9, 2009 0 comments

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