Personal Rights of Members in the MEK

“No to forced hijab, religion and government” a big lie by Maryam Rajavi

The Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) has published a book called “No to compulsory hijab, No to compulsory religion, No to compulsory government” in English, which apparently contains a selection of Maryam Rajavi’s speeches.

For those who have gone through a long and painful experience of being in the coercive relations of the MEK, even the title of the book attracts a lot of attention. How and with what attitude can the leader of a destructive cult who runs her organization by sheer coercion comment on coercion!!

In the case of “no to compulsory hijab”, it should be asked how can a group that does not enjoy any concept called “free choice of clothing” in its relationships claim to say no to forced hijab.
In the Cult of Rajavi, women are forced to always wear hijab. If a bit of women’s hair is seen, they will be dealt with harsh punishments. how can Maryam Rajavi claim the slogan “No to compulsory hijab”?! When all women and even men are strongly forced to observe the type of covering that the group has determined for them, how can they really claim, “no to compulsory hijab”?

all women and even men are strongly forced to observe the type of covering that the group has determined for them

Of course, we all know that using such empty promises is only to welcome the western politicians who are in the next step paid heavy amounts in order to deliver a five-minute speech on behalf of the group. The leaders of the MEK have to mask their fierce face in Western societies so that the current realities in their organizations remain hidden.

When we look inside the MEK’s relations, we see that they act completely opposite to their slogans, and their beliefs are 180 degrees different from what they say. Rajavi knows that if he reduces a bit of the ruling compulsions within the hierarchy of his cult, it will certainly collapse. This is the nature of cult-like systems.

The second phrase in the book’s title is “No to compulsory religion!”. A long list of testimonies of former members of the MEK state that in the cult like structure of the MEK, even people who are Muslim but Sunni are forced to behave according to Shia rulings. Based on many documented testimonies, those who did not believe in any religion and had joined the group for its political cause into, were eventually brainwashed and coerced to act as a Muslim does, performing Shia rituals. If from Maryam Rajavi’s point of view this religion is not compulsory, then what does it mean?

One can talk for hours about compulsory hijab and religion in the MEK. From gender segregation to the humiliation of men before the eyes of women and the handing over of the pyramid of power to women, it all shows the alleged dominance of women over relationships. Under the order of the disappeared leader of the cult, they have been forced to divorce their spouses. No one had the power to oppose but Massoud Rajavi had the power to have sexual relationships with all women in the higher ranks. Polygamy is not forbidden for Massoud Rajavi.
And the other thing mentioned in the title of the book is “No to compulsory for the government!”. In this matter, like in other parts of the title, human rights or democracy has no meaning for Maryam Rajavi.

Once Rajavi used to chant the slogan of “Islamic democratic government”, but now he has taken the word “Islamic” to deceive the West and instead, he is chanting the slogan of democracy. The conflicts of the MEK with other opposition groups over any political issue about Iran should be closely studied. Rajavi does not accept any government except what he says. She criticizes and threatens everyone who criticizes her and considers every opponent opinion as enemy.

Maryam Rajavi has claimed to write a book with such titles. No to forced hijab, religion and government, by the mouth of Maryam Rajavi is nothing more than a big lie. She violates these three concepts on daily basis within her organization. She is likely to intend to impose the same version, that is right now being executed in her cult, on the Iranian nation.

By Mazda Parsi

December 4, 2023 0 comment

Former members of the MEK

MEK ex-member: I could not talk to a female member for a minute

Sarfaraz Rahimi former member of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) was interviewed by the Albanian MCN TV. He spoke of 17 years of isolation and suppression under the dictatorship of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi.

Sarfaraz who is a member of the Association for the Support of Iranians Living in Albania (ASILA) attended the show along with Erisa, his Albanian wife. Erisa Rahimi was there as an interpreter.
During the interview, Sarfaraz talked about the restrictions and prohibitions created by the leaders of the Cult of Rajavi such as prohibition of contact with family, prohibition of marriage and even prohibition of contact with the opposite sex. He considered the MEK’s strict ideology and its manipulative mind control system as the basis for violation of human rights and in particular sexual abuse of female members of the group.

https://dlb.nejatngo.org/Media/Interview/Rahimi-MCNTV-en.mp4

to download the video file click here

July 16, 2023 0 comment

The cult of Rajavi

In Memory of victims of the MEK – Abdolmehdi Baymani

Abdolmehdi Baymani was from Mahshahr, Khuzestan. Together with his friends Abdorasool Ghanavatian and Bahman Atigh, he was smuggled to Iraq by the Mujahedin’s human smugglers who deceived young Iranian on a promise of immigrating to Europe.
I saw Mehdi baymani in the reception section of Camp Ashraf, for the first time, in 1999. As we were from the same home town, he had asked to visit me. I visited Mehdi, Rasool and Bahman for dinner. He was pretty tall and looked so innocent and sweet wearing thick glasses that made him distinguished.
As I talked with him, I realized that he was not a political person at all and had no earlier information about the MEK. At that night, we talked about Mahshahr and our families. He recalled me of my family who I had no news of them for years. He knew about my past life because he had been a neighbor of my uncle and so a friend of my cousins.

Abdolmehdi Baymani; victim of the MEK

When I asked him about the reason of his coming to Ashraf, he told, “being jobless and the dream of living in Europe persuaded me to accept the suggestion made by one of my friends.”
“He introduced me a man whose job was human trafficking in the Gulf countries.” Mehdi said. “First, he was supposed to take me to Kuwait but after some time he said that the plan has been changed and I should go to Iraq! As I heard the word Iraq, I got surprised because we were at war with Iraq for several years. I thought that Iraq would not have a good relationship with Iranians and would not be safe for us. I was obsessed with the border line which was still full of undiscovered mines. However, the persistence of the man convinced me to go. I thought that it was my last chance for immigrating to Europe. I got the phone numbers of my close friends to call them immediately after I arrived in Europe.”

I felt pity for Mehdi. He was so naïve and honest. After the dinner, I said goodbye to Mehdi and his friends and I did not see him anymore. A year later, in 2000, the group announced that Mehdi had been killed in the Iran-Iraq border while he was returning from Iran to Iraq. I was shocked. I wondered what he was doing in the border line. I never thought that he would be sent for cross border operations because his eyes were awfully weak. He had serious vision problems at night. The next day, the MEK published an announcement to declare that Abdolmehdi Baymani had been sent to Iran to launch an operation.

The MEK commanders had not provided him with a safe house in Iran. They had forced him to use his family and their home to cover the operation and this way his family had been faced with security issues.
Abdolmehdi Baymani was killed at the age of 23 while he was a young man who just loved to live in a European country. He fell in the trap of the Rajavi’s terrorist cult. He was actually killed for Rajavi’s ambitions. He took his dream of living in Europe to the grave.
After the death of Mehdi, the inhuman Cult of Rajavi launched a propaganda to show off Mehdi as a hero who was in love with Maryam and Massoud Rajavi but the rank and file of the group regrated and felt sympathy for Mehdi’s heartbreaking fate.

Ali Ekrami, former member of the MEK

also read:
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Ahmad Tavakol
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Bahman Atiqi
In Memory of victims of the MEK – Mehran Gholami

November 30, 2021 0 comment

Former members of the MEK

Abbas Mohammadpour: Thirty years of waiting is not a short time

Mr. Mohammadpour, a former member of the Rajavi Cult, stated on the first day of the nationwide conference of the Nejat Society held on August 7,2021:

Greetings to all friends. Whether those who we were together in Camp Ashraf under the captivity of the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK, MKO, Rajavi Cult) or those whose loved ones are there. As my friend Mahmoud Dashtestani said, this is not a matter of economics and material things. They took over our whole life during these years. How, for our soul and for our being, can materials be discussed?

Abbas Mohammadpurmr; a former member of the Rajavi Cult

We are talking about those who are waiting. In turn, I support all that is being done and what other friends are doing in connection with the complaint. I will work until the end, so that we can take these loved ones back to a place where they are free, or at least their families can visit them. The waiting period for families is not one or two years, but 30 years.

We do our best to get at least one of them out of captivity or they can call or their families can go and visit them. We complained against MEK and we will follow it to the end, and we will go and testify and say what they did to us and what they did to those who are still in captivity wherever necessary.

In my opinion, this organization has no foundation and it is vanishing day by day like a tree bitten by termites. Therefore, supporting this organization, both by governments and politicians, is useless. We follow this way so that we can bring these families to their loved ones. We do everything we can.

September 15, 2021 0 comment

The cult of Rajavi

The soldiers of despair

She was about twenty when she left Iran in 1995 together with her husband, Haidari, and her two daughters, Elahe and Roya. The couple arrived in the Netherlands, where they applied for political asylum. The government refused it. The Mojahedin contacted her husband and asked him to join. Having been never politically involved before, he hesitated. His wife explains: “they told us that if we joined the organization, they would help us obtain political asylum in Holland”. Hoping to legalize their situation, they agreed to collect funds (She uses the word “beg”) for the organization.

Three years later, propaganda and brainwashing has succeeded in convincing the couple to move to Iraq. The trap slowly closed on them. Massoumeh was forced to give her two children to an Iranian nurse, a member of the movement. In 1998, using a forged passport,she arrived in Iraq, via Belgium and Jordan. Her husband joined her one week later. The young woman states: “I was personally seduced by Maryam Rajavi’s position on women’s liberation and by the idyllic picture they painted of the situation in Iraq. But we were soon confronted by a reality that was far less attractive”.

As soon as they arrived in Ashraf camp, the Haidaris were separated from each other. They agreed, in writing, to end their married life, to break completely with their families and to write a daily report summarizing what they did, heard and saw. They conformed to the group and underwent military training. Massoumeh learned to handle many different weapons, maintain liaison between networks operating on both sides of the border and even to carry out bomb attacks inside Iran.

In 2001, this young “people’s fighter” took part in an operation in Tehran itself. She marched dozens of Kilometers into Iran, with her fellow women commandos, carrying thirty Kilograms of explosives. On the way back, she was arrested near the town of Ourumieh. After intensive interrogation in the police station,she admitted everything she knew about the organization and was sent to prison. One year later, she was freed and returned to live with her parents in Tehran. But her troubles continue: her husband is still in the Ashraf Camp and does not know that she is alive. Her “death” was announced in “al-Qamar al-Monir”: or “shining Moon”,her nom de guerre.she has had no news of her children, Elahe and Roya, aged nufrse with whom they wee placed is to longer in service. The Netherland success. They remain missing. Have they,too, been sent to Iraq?

Describing the situation among the Mojahedin at the time she left Camp Ashraf, Massoumeh says:” the fighters were weary and losing hope. Those who admitted this were harshly disciplined. I did not know that there were special prisons for Mojahedn. I learned that later from former members I met after I returned to Iran. In fact, we were very badly informed about what went on inside Iraq and knew even less about events outside the country. We had no access to newspapers,magazines or books. Our only source of news was the movement’s own television station. There were no holidays. The few times we left the camp, it was only to bring a sick person to a Baghdad hospital and return right away. All emotional ties were forbidden by the organization. For example, we were not allowed to keep photographs of our own children, write letters to them or our parents, or become friends with anyone else. Since sexual relations had been banned, women could not become pregnant or have babies”.

From the book: The People’s Mojahedin of Iran: A Struggle for what? “By Victor Charbonnier

September 8, 2021 0 comment

Human Rights Abuse in the MEK

Sobhani spent eight-and-a-half years in solitary confinement inside MEK camp

Mohammad Hussein Sobhani spent eight-and-a-half years in solitary confinement inside the MKO’s main camp in Iraq, Camp Ashraf, from September 1992 to January 2001. He was subsequently held in Abu Ghraib prison and left Iraq in 2002.

Sobhani first came in contact with the MKO in 1977, a year before the anti-monarchy revolution. By 1979, he was working “professionally and full time” with the organization. When the headquarters of the armed wing of the organization relocated inside Iraq, he followed suit. By 1991, he had risen in the ranks of the organization and had become a member of the Central Committee. However, ever since the “ideological revolution,” when divorces were mandated, he became uncomfortable with the path pursued by the leadership. His differences with the leadership of Masoud and Maryam Rajavi and other members of the Central Committee reached a climax in 1992. Masoud Rajavi argued for remaining in Iraq regardless of the end of the Iran-Iraq war and Saddam Hussein’s defeat in the first Gulf War in 1991, he said. Rajavi still hoped that fighting between Iran and Iraq would resume, and based the organization’s strategy on such a development. Sobhani says he found the possibility of a new war highly unlikely given the dismal state of Iraq’s armed forces. Other members of the Central Committee saw his arguments as a challenge to the Rajavis’ leadership:

Mohammd Hussein Sobhani

As long as my criticisms were mild, I was left alone. But as soon as I persevered in my questioning, their behavior changed dramatically. In the beginning, I discussed my concerns personally with the leadership, Maryam and Masoud Rajavi. I also brought up my concerns with other members of the Central Committee. These discussions reached a dead-end. Once they became certain that I didn’t share their views, on August 28, 1992, they convened a meeting (neshast taiin taklif) to determine my faith and to decide if I was staying with the organization or not. The process began with intimidation, verbal abuse, and beatings. Of course, since I was a high ranking official, I was treated better than ordinary members. I was told that my criticisms and questions were just an excuse to quit the struggle. Their conclusion was that I was a quitter (borideh) and didn’t have the strength to continue the struggle any longer.

On August 31, 1992, Sobhani was moved to a prison and kept under solitary confinement for the next eight-and-a-half years.

After the first two months in prison, all of my beliefs in the organization fell apart. Up to that point I considered my differences with them as a matter of divergent political views; I wasn’t questioning the MKO’s underlying essence. I used to mark my prison walls each time I was subjected to severe beatings. There were many occasions of lesser beatings, but on eleven occasions I was beaten mercilessly using wooden sticks and thick leather elts.
Sobhani was handed over to Iraqi officials in January 2001. He spent one month in mukhabarat prison and then transferred to Abu Ghraib. He was held in Abu Ghraib until January 21, 2002, when he was repatriated to Iran in exchange for Iraqi POWs. In Iran, he was detained and interrogated by the Iranian government. After three days, he escaped from a low security detention center and fled Iran. He is currently living in Europe.

September 8, 2021 0 comment

Human Rights Abuse in the MEK

Two years in Solitary confinement; MEK survivor

Alireza Mir Asgari

Alireza Mir Asgari was a deputy director of one of the MKO’s military units in 1994 when he started to have concerns about the organization’s links with the Iraqi military. In January 1995, he was arrested and imprisoned. In June 1995, he was released after signing a contract promising to remain with the MKO’s forces. He was arrested again in 1998 and spent eight months in solitary confinement. In 2001, he arranged to escape, but his plan was discovered and he was imprisoned again until 2003, when he was turned over to Iraqi forces who then abandoned him along the Iran-Iraq border. He described his sudden arrest in 1995.

Alireza Mir Asgari

I was arrested without notice on January 29, 1995. I was told to go to a meeting with a team who were preparing for operations in Iran. These kinds of discussions were a regular part of my duties. I was taken to a room and told to wait. Hasan Mohasel, one of the MKO’s top intelligence officers, came into the room and put a note in front of me saying that I had been arrested because I was an agent of Iranian intelligence and had infiltrated the Liberation Army. I couldn’t believe what was happening; I thought it was a joke and started to laugh. But Hasan Mohasel cursed me and told me to stand against the wall. Suddenly two or three more people entered the room and began to blindfold me and to tie my hands behind my back. I was in total shock. They put me in a car and drove around for forty-five minutes inside the camp. I was taken to a building; I didn’t know where it was. Hasan Sadat Darbandi, also known as Adel, removed my blindfold and threw me into a cell with many other prisoners. I could not believe it; I thought there had been a coup inside the organization. Each day, a number of prisoners were taken for interrogation. They were beaten badly; after they were brought back, their heads and faces were tremendously swollen.

After a couple of days, it was my turn to be taken for interrogation. They asked me why I had joined the MKO. I told them I came here to fight Khomeini’s government, but they said that wasn’t true. During the first couple of days of interrogation, they beat me mercilessly. It was very depressing; I really wanted to commit suicide. I was only seventeen years old when I left Iran and came to Iraq to join the MKO. I had spent my entire adult life in their camps.

Eventually, I gave up and agreed to sign the forced confessions stating that I had ties to Iranian intelligence. I was taken to a meeting with Masoud Rajavi, who told me that if I stayed for another two years, they would release me and send me to Spain.

Mir Asgari was released in June 1995. He spent the next two years waiting for the organization to release and transfer him to Spain. However, he was told that because of his wealth of information, he could not be released. His protests led to his imprisonment again:

On March 25, 1998, I was taken to a prison where my old case from 1995 was reopened. They said that based on my own confession, I was an Iranian agent and could not be trusted. I spent eight months in solitary confinement. During this period, I was told that my sister in Iran had been arrested and executed. Later I found this to be untrue.60

After recanting his request to leave Iraq, Mir Asgari was released. Since the organization was not going to allow him to leave, he started to design an escape plan. His plan to escape was discovered, and he was arrested again. He was kept in solitary confinement for nearly two years, from 2001 to 2003. A few months prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, in February 2003, Mir Asgari was turned over to the Iraqi forces who took him to the Iran-Iraq border along the Arvandrood River [Shatt al-Arab] and released him there. He is living in Europe.

September 7, 2021 0 comment

Human Rights Abuse in the MEK

Five years in solitary confinements of MEK camps

Farhad Javaheri-Yar is a former fighter with the MKO in Iraq. He served in various capacities in intelligence and security operations. In 1995, he became aware of dissident members being imprisoned inside the MKO camps in Iraq. He wrote a letter to his superiors requesting to be released from his duties and expressed his desire to leave the organization. His superiors tried repeatedly to intimidate him into staying. After his refusal, he was incarcerated in various prisons inside the MKO camps in Iraq from November 1995 to December 2000. He was subsequently turned over to the Iraqi officials and held in Abu Ghraib prison until January 2002, when he was repatriated to Iran.

Javaheri-Yar joined the MKO in August 1982 in Tehran and became active in their underground armed resistance. He was arrested in October 1984 by the Iranian authorities and spent the following four years inside Evin, Ghazal Hisar, and Gohardasht prisons in Iran. Upon his release, he contacted MKO operatives in Europe and was smuggled to Karachi and from there to Iraq. He entered Iraq in 1989 and became an active member of the MKO’s armed wing.

Javaheri-Yar became disillusioned with the MKO in 1995 after learning from a number of other MKO cadres that they had been recently imprisoned by the organization:

In July 1995, I returned to Camp Ashraf from a reconnaissance mission. During the preceding months, I had noticed a number of my friends had “disappeared.” I was told that they were inside Iran to carry out missions. I met two of them, Akbar Akbari and Ali Taleghani, who told me that they were imprisoned inside Camp Ashraf during this period and were forced to sign false confessions indicating their ties to Iranian intelligence agents and [promising] that they would never leave the MKO.

I could not believe that the Mojahedin would engage in acts of torture and forced confessions similar to what the Iranian government used. I wrote a number of reports for my superior. In these letters I expressed my disapproval of the mistreatment of members and submitted my resignation. My request was repeatedly ignored.

Javaheri-Yar persevered with his request to leave the MKO, but was told that the organization could not relieve him of his duties because of his extensive knowledge of MKO’s activities. Once Javaheri-Yar realized he would not be free to leave, he escaped from Camp Ashraf on November 28, 1995 and attempted to reach the Jordanian border. On November 30, 1995, he was arrested by Iraqi security forces near the city of Tikrit. He pleaded with the Iraqi forces not to return him to the MKO camp, but his pleas were ignored and he was handed over to the MKO forces in Camp Ashraf. During the next five years he was held in solitary confinement in various locations inside the MKO camps, from November 1995 to December 2000.

During the first two months, I was kept inside a pre-fabricated trailer room called a bangal. I was told that I could not leave the camp but could resume life inside the camp if I chose to do menial labor, such as making bread or sweeping streets. I refused their offer, and their response was harsh. I was moved to a prison cell in Avenue 400 of Camp Ashraf. The cell’s dimensions were three by two-and-a-half meters [nine feet by eight feet]. It was connected to a narrow hallway – one meter [three feet] wide and three-and-a-half meters [ten feet] long – that led to a small toilet and sink.

In February 1996, I made very loud verbal protests from inside my cell. To punish me, they confined me inside a bathroom for three consecutive weeks. I was miserable. There was no room to stretch or lie down. The tiled floor was wet and cold. It was a terrifying experience.

The MKO’s leadership, including Masoud Rajavi, promised Javaheri-Yar that he would be released “soon,” but each time they broke their promise. Javaheri-Yar was imprisoned in solitary confinement inside Camp Ashraf, as well as Camp Parsian, until December 2000, when he was turned over to the Iraqi intelligence forces (mukhabarat). He spent one month in a mukhabarat prison before being transferred to Abu Ghraib prison. He was repatriated to Iran on January 21, 2002. He left Iran and is living in Europe.

August 31, 2021 0 comment

Human Rights Abuse in the MEK

Masoumeh was strangled by her scarf

Masoumeh Gheibi entered the Mujahedin Khalq Organization (MKO/ MEK/ PMOI/ Cult of Rajavi) as a non-Muslim when she was thirty years old. Although she had stated it to the commanders, she was always under pressure by the commanders to obey the religious law of Islam. She was mentally and verbally abused by her commanders and finally she was sexually abused by the division commander named MohammadReza.

Consequently, Masoumeh urged to leave the group but her demand was refused. She was not allowed to leave the Cult of Rajavi because the leaders knew that as soon as she left the organization, she would reveal the story of what had been done to her. Therefore, a female commander arranged to hold meeting for Masoumeh to resolve her problem with the organization and convince her to stay in the group.

But when they find out that Masoumeh is in no way willing to give up and will not trust the MEK anymore, the meetings got tense and oppressive where they punched and kicked Masoumeh in the face by her peers so severely that she passed out. According to some defectors’ testimony Masoumeh was strangled by her scarf around her neck.

Meanwhile, just at the same time that Massoumeh was under abuse and torture that led to her death, Massoud Rajavi was establishing his empire based on a female hegemony!

She was eventually buried in the Pearl Cemetery in Camp Ashraf. It was declare in the group and written on her grave that she died of an illness. All her comrades in Camp Ashraf were aware that she was healthy until the day before her death. However, like many other crimes of MEK leaders, all members remained silent for fear of death.
She was 35 when she was murdered in 1993. Her children had been separated from her and sent to Europe shortly after she had entered the cult., Masoumeh Gheibi was killed in the MEK while still hoping to see her children again after her defection.

May 9, 2021 0 comment

Albania

MEK leaders regard the dead as commodities to be exploited

Albanians shocked at MEK disregard for their deadAs the number of deaths in the MEK camp at Manez in Albania due to COVID-19 continues to rise, the MEK have appropriated a section of the local cemetery to bury their dead.

Albanian protesters

This week, residents of the town protested that a piece of land which had already been designated for expansion of the cemetery for their community had been sold to the MEK. The cemetery in Manez is already close to capacity so this piece of land was of vital importance to the residents. Residents protested that they are already forced to bury two family members in one grave due to lack of space. This is not fair or dignified.

Residents point out that there is land available to the MEK for burials near their camp and that locals are willing to sell that land to them. There is no justification for using land dedicated for expanding the town cemetery. This total disregard for the rights, feelings and needs of others is a horrible characteristic of the MEK.

In Iraq, the MEK graveyard was a tragic mess. When investigators opened graves to locate lost relatives, they found graves where the interned body did not match the name of the headstone, some graves were empty, some graves had a single named headstone but contained two or three bodies. In Paris, a MEK member stole flowers from a local cemetery to adorn Maryam Rajavi’s camp. It should come as no surprise to those familiar with the MEK. The cult leaders regard the dead as commodities to be exploited.

After arriving in Albania, the MEK used the cemetery in Tirana for some members. But after building their extrajudicial, extraterritorial camp in Manez, the MEK buried one of their dead in the local cemetery without permission. The residents were outraged, pointing out that they barely had enough space to bury their own families. They were angered that a foreign group could do this. The MEK was made to exhume the body and intern it elsewhere. Residents complain that recent burials have caused disruption as the MEK block roads for hours for their processions, disregarding local needs and rights.

The MEK response to such sensitive issues has always been to lie and obfuscate, ultimately blaming the innocent victims of their crimes and misdemeanours. In this recent case, the MEK accused the residents – whom they condescendingly referred to as ‘peasants’ – of being organised by “elements working for the Iranian regime”.

MEK issued a press release saying, ‘This is a false accusation, and this small rally was provoked and organized by some elements working for the Iranian regime’. Surely the residents of Manez would be amazed and angered by claims that they are a “security threat” to the MEK members there. The fact is, the MEK poses a severe security and health threat to the residents themselves.

This kind of gas lighting and misdirection practiced by the MEK is not new. It is their modus operandi; to deflect investigation, criticism, and prosecution. But this reaction over such a sensitive issue as a cemetery only shows there is no bottom to the depths the MEK will go.

January 18, 2021 0 comment

Newer Posts

Older Posts