Omid Pouya

Rajavi’s message, an art of collage

Rajavi’s 20 January message seems to be a turning point for Mojahedin Khalq Organization, a foreseeable message although a little late. Unlike Rajavi’s previous messages that were stereotypically repetitious claims, his new rhetoric is blusters for the third post-revolution generation who hardly know anything about him and his organization. This new step may have been taken because he had already been notified by the theoreticians of his red-movement that the Iranian third generation neither knew him nor considered any political and social weight for him. Usually turning a deaf ear to the warnings of advisers, this time it seems that he has bended his ears to advices to deliver a different message that is a turning point in accepting bitter truths. But, alas, he can never abandon the bad habit of going straight to the point and, as usual, he first brags the highness of his status and then holds onto rhetoric to justify his thirty-year long absence from Iran’s political arena. But, as he always feels others are indebted to him and he has no spare time to waste on inconsequential questions, he prefers to engage in polemics concerning Iranian future.

But he still fails to be relieved of the phantom that the generation he is addressing has never troubled its mind about him and his organization as the former believes the latter are a piece of Iran’s past history. Only some acquainted with the stalemates and crises the organization has recently encountered can realize what is bothering Rajavi at the present. He has been under the direct attack and criticism of the insiders and the outsiders as well as other opposition from among the ultra-left to the ultra-right. Undesirable consequences being inevitable, he is preempting to deter challenges that can further mire him and his organization. As a result, once you hear him claiming to be the instigating engine of Iran’s post-election riots, while he complains of being politically stagnated and does not hesitate to swear that terrorist tag is an attached stigma to smear the organization. But he can never deny that he is still ideologically loyal to Marx when he says:

The important point is that Marx remarks that ‘the philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it’. Of course, Marx has deduced this necessity from social evolution and the historical dialectic. However, it draws us near to the conception of ‘man’s responsibility’. I have no access to texts now but if my mind helps me remind forty years ago, this is the core of Che’ Guevara’s analysis of Marx when he said ‘this is the very same point where the pens have to put down to pick up rifles to change the world’.

That is what Rajavi and all those defected members, whom he calls deserters and the agents of the Islamic Republic, have done in a thirty year-long armed struggle- grabbing guns rather than pens and peaceful campaign. On the one hand he claims to have received letters and questions from inside Iran through a variety of means and routes, on the other hand he forgets all he has said so far by stating “I tell you to know that what the regime has all these years published and distributed in its prisons and its-controlled organs under the name of Mojahedin are untrustworthy. They are either fabricated or distorted to achieve the intended goals and to instill what they want”.

In spite of Rajavi’s exploitation of all social and political schools of thought to convince the third generation they have been deprived of such a great personality and the source of secret knowledge, that is himself, his message is a mixture of ambiguities delivered from a nowhere. A message from a so-called leader whose whereabouts are unknown for those who he calls to recognize, appreciate and follow. It is neither similar to a political statement nor an organizational pronouncement and nor is it in any way a political-ideological pamphlet of instruction. It is much similar to a collage and he is like a collagist who has stuck different pieces of subjects each with a different definition and color together. It is clear that the message has emerged out of a confused mind that is itself escaping from the reality that it had to accept long ago. Anyone looking at Rajavi’s work of collage can easily discern a depicted picture of Rajavi’s betrayal, violence and egocentric ambitions recorded in the history.

February 14, 2010 0 comment

MEK Camp Ashraf

Camp Ashraf, gone with the wind

Just as the Camp Ashraf is renamed by Iraqi authorities before its complete evacuation and relocation of its residents, there are many suppositions about the future of the camp and how to make use of it. Some authorities in Dyali Province have announced that it will be rebuilt as a big, attractive funfair. Also as reported by Al-sumaria TV network, some Iraqi investors have announced their readiness to refurbish it as an attractive tourist spot. The evidences indicate that the authorities in Dyali province have the order to present a plan to best utilize the camp. A the Camp Ashraf is renamed by Iraqi authorities before its complete evacuation and relocation of its residents, there are many suppositions about the future of the camp spokesman in the provincial public relations has stated that the camp has a proper airport that could be turned into a civil airport for regular flights to other provinces. As it can also be made a public resort place that return huge revenues for the province.

The province authorities have underlined that the camp has the potentiality of becoming an economic center that facilitates and develops trading between Baghdad and Iraqi Kurdistan. However, Abdoljabbar al-abidi, administrator of Azim district, informed of decisions by council of Khalis to return the camp to Azim district. It has to be pointed out that the residents of Azim district call Ashraf ‘the pearl of the desert’ just because it is an oasis in the heart of a scorched desert with its abundant trees and green parks, pools, buildings, mosques, and an airport made for fighters and helicopters.

In fact, when Saddam in 1986 granted the camp to Rajavi, it was nothing more than a piece of wasteland as it is geographically the case with other parts of the region. But Saddam’s granted huge sums of money cut from the pocket of the oppressed people, and Rajavi’s physical and psychological exploitation of his cult’s victims, turned the scorched piece of land into an oasis that none of the people around it had the right to enter or use. Nobody knows the many secrets behind this the so called ‘the pearl of the desert’; nobody knows the whereabouts of those who entered the mysterious shell and never came out; it is full of souls who are claimed to have died of suicides, heart or brain stroke, cancers and self immolation for the defense of Ashraf. Under any brick and pillar you can encounter a part of a man’s lost life, will and wishes. And nobody forgets the confirmed reports reflected in the Iraqi media in early August about a found mass grave containing victims of Saddam Hussein’s regime during the war against Kuwait in 1991 in Camp Ashraf.

Once Dr. Ali Shariati, the late Iranian thinker, in one of his books entitled “Ye Brother, That’s The Way it Was” written soon after his return from Egypt, related the sad history of how the Great Pyramids had been built. That is to say, what is today considered a wonder is the outcome of many victimized people who had been brutally exploited by the pharaohs to build the wonders. Neither Rajavi is to be compared with the Pharaohs nor the Pyramids with the Ashraf nor the latter’s victims with the former’s. But, it is rather a shame to witness such things happening just in the modern third millennium. And the history just repeats in the heart of Iraqi deserts where ‘the pearl of the desert’ emerges out of some land hardly you can encounter green life. It has been repeatedly stated that Rajavi is the one who has openly raised the slavery flag over his bastion with no clear objection to it. His victims are the laborers who are enslaved physically and psychologically; they have to work for him and worship him as well. Above that, they are under a spell to set themselves on fire for him; he has enslaved their body and soul. That is the freedom he has promised them to achieve.

However, although a beautiful oasis built on the cost of the desolate and the deprived as well as the irrecoverable lives and betrayed expectations under the egocentric tyranny of Rajavi, Ashraf can be transformed into anything that can help to alleviate the poverty and sufferings of the people in the region to whom it belongs. It can even be a shelter for thousands of homeless Iraqis or a place for the children to forget the pains of the terrorist attacks that have left them unprotected.

February 4, 2010 0 comment

Iraq

A wasteland for MKO to settle

The Iraqi authorities have reiterated that they are decisive in their decision to relocate Ashraf residents to the southern part of the country as a prelude to expelling them. The decision is the outcome of many failed attempts to convince the Western countries and other international bodies and organizations to find another willing host country for them since Iraq is no more interests to host the remnant terrorists of the former regime. However, the hard point is that there is still no specifically set timeframe for the relocation of Camp Ashraf to a certain temporary camp. It is much because none of the local provincial officials have assented to accept the risk of Ashraf residents’ relocation to the areas under their control and have warned that it would spark violence in peaceful areas. That is in absolute contradiction with MKO’s widely advertized claims that it has the support of many Iraqi Sheikhs and tribe leaders as well as known figures on its back.

As stressed before, MKO is the only opposition among all that has turned into a real problem for not only among other opposition but its own advocates in western and non-Western countries and parliamentarians since it has proved not to be a trustable company despite its beneficially hireling activities for all adversaries against the Iranian regime, from Saddam to the US that has globally registered it as a terrorist group. The worst, there is no Saddam to defend it against any opposition and no area on the Iraqi soil is willing to accept them even for a short while before their complete erase from the country.

The first signs of protest were publicized when, as a new devised strategy for Ashraf residents, the Iraqi government announced it would shut Camp Ashraf and move the occupants to Muthana, a province in southern Iraq. The local officials in Muthana resoundingly rejected the resolution and Ibrahim Salman al Mayali, the provincial governor, said he would do all he could to oppose a relocation. He argued that his people would not welcome a terrorist organization that once Saddam had sent its members to stop a revolution against him in 1991. He reasoned that “I cannot stop my people’s anger against this terrorist group. Maybe they will want to take revenge for 1991 and attack them. I certainly could not guarantee security for the MKO here.”

A leading local tribal leader, Sheikh Resan al Myasar, also cautioned there would be violence if the government resolved to send MKO members south. He justified that “We have not forgotten that they showed us no mercy when they crushed the uprising and so now the sons of our tribe would show them no mercy. There is malice here; the people of Muthana want to bury them with their hands.”

Whatever measures the Iraqi authorities decide to take with regard to the future of Camp Ashraf is lawful and according to the constitution but the people of Iraq have also the right to be sure of their security when they are just close to a temporary camp where the notorious accomplices of the ousted dictator are to reside. The thousands numbers of MKO’s claimed supporters exist only on the papers and its own publicized sites. The only ones MKO believes can be of any help to it are out of Iraq as it urges the United Nations and the American government over and over to guarantee the protection of Ashraf residents and ensure prevention of forcible relocation and a repeat of use of force and violence against them.

So far, the failure of the Muthana relocation attempt means that the issue of the MKO remains stuck in a stalemate. That is much because nobody is still convinced that the group’s terrorist potentialities are diminished and its link with insurgent groups gut off; it is a risk to have them around. The new proposal for solving the problem, although no country has yet assented to receive the group, by the Iraqi Government is to move Ashraf residents to Nuqrat al-Salman, a desolated prison camp. Although MKO has started a vast propaganda blitz to show its strong opposition to the decision, does Rajavi deserves any other place on the earth than a wasteland to wander?

January 3, 2010 0 comment

Massoud Rajavi

Rajavi’s big lies and misinformation apparatus

Rajavi’s disinformation apparatus, like its other misleading networks, are engaged in never ceasing propaganda, political and cultic activities in an attempt to influence on public opinion through the distorted information. The least thing observed in this ever-going blitz is ethics, that is to say, Rajavi is strictly adhering to Machiavellian codes to use available means to achieve objectives. What is most vivid in Rajavi’s ethical values in his conducts is novel definitions for these values like trustfulness, veracity and honesty.

To what extent can Rajavi be trusted in ethical considerations requires a thorough unearth of his ideological principles in this respect. In practice, it is a matter of fundamental inconsistency in the normative ethics and Rajavi defines ethics according to the interests and goals he attempts to achieve. In his newly defined ethical literature, the unethical can be identical with the ethical in the same way that wrong and right can be.

As defined in one of the organization’s early ideological, instructional pamphlets, “right can be transformed according to certain time and setting conditions”. Also “It might be possible that some means is right to use in certain conditions since it helps to achieve an end”. “There is another condition wherein the very same means is wrong because it can no more lead us to accomplish our ends.”

Thus, consistency, which is the hallmark of ethics, is absent in Mojahedin’s literature of ethics that is full of contradictions. Ethics requires consistency in the sense that our moral standards, actions, and values should not be contradictory. Examining Mojahedin’s ethical standards uncover inconsistencies that totally go against the standard values.

Stated by Rajavi, “all phenomena are constantly changing and moving and none are consistent”. No doubt, Rajavi’s inductions play a decisive role in his relations with the outside world and he has been facing a big challenge for his publicity as a violator of dominant ethical standards. Even Americans through multitudes of reports on Mojahedin have repeatedly reiterated the duality of the organization in its conducts and relations. Regardless of few advocates that try to criticize propagations they believe to be aimed at discrediting the organization, there is a broad consensus on the untrustworthiness of Mojahedin and that, they adhere to Machiavellian ethical codes to accomplish their ends.

As an evidence, take Rajavi’s message of November 4 in which he, concerning Camp Ashraf, states:
Mojahedin in Ashraf welcome the present Iraqi Government’s plan to be transferred to a third country from among the country members of the European Union or the United States.
Reading these lines, one may come to believe that the Iraqi Government has already conferred with the mentioned states to reach an agreement for the relocation of Ashraf residents. That is true that the Iraqi Government welcomes any country that will accept the organization but it has never named any certain host so far. Furthermore, the authorities have asserted that none of the 25 countries they have engaged in talks on behalf of Mojahedin to host it have agreed to accept the group. We do not know the basics of his claims but his misinformation will have their effect as he intends.

Here is another excerpt from his message:
The Iraqi Government must respect the rights of Ashraf residents according to the European Parliament’s Resolution issued on 24 April 2009 until they are transferred to the U.S. member countries of the E.U.

Some may infer that the message points to the alternates of the organization’s relocation settings agreed by the EU’s Resolution while it has nothing to do with the host countries but requiring the Iraqi Government to respect the rights of Ashraf residents. A look at the EU’s Resolution talks for itself.

Somewhere else he states:
The fighters of the National Liberation Army (NLA) surrendered 20 thousand pieces of arms and 20 thousand tones of ammunition to the American forces as a deal to give them protection until the ultimate solution.

Those who are unaware of the consequent invasion of the coalition forces and the seizure of the arms depots in Ashraf by American forces may be misled by such words that may imply the organization has surrendered its arms willingly to guarantee the camp’s security and that, the arms will be returned to them after its issue has been dealt with. It seems that Rajavi has learned his lessons associated with propaganda, conjuring lies and deceit from the known instructor of them, that is Joseph Goebbels; a master of the "Big Lie” who is quoted “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”. And in fact, it has been the infrastructure of Rajavi’s propaganda machine at least during the past thirty years.

December 8, 2009 0 comment

MEK Camp Ashraf

Secrets that may slink out of Ashraf

The countdown to quitting Camp Ashraf started, the case is a matter of great magnitude to turn attention to. The significance lays in the fact that at least for nearly thirty years the organization’s main bastion in Iraq has been active headquarters of militarism and, after the fall of Saddam, multilateral espionage because of its geopolitical location and Mojahedin’s skill in the profession. Although now an accumulation camp of some disarmed members of a once liberation army, Ashraf preserves its importance for Rajavi because of its potentialities in implementing suicide threats and formation of human shields that may lead to some crises. Possibly, Rajavi’s insistence on the strategic significance of the camp is a ploy to deflect the attention of the Iraqi Government from what is much noteworthy than a piece of land.

Going back over the organization’s past four-decade history demonstrates an undeniable fact that it did not hesitate to be engaged in espionage activities and attempts to infiltrate into the most sensitive security-protective establishments of the governments and social organizations to gather information it justified to be utilized for organizational, ideological and revolutionary interests but abused for terrorist and cultic purposes. For sure, during its three decade-long settlement in Iraq the country has been vulnerable to such activities which have been substantially expanded after the fall of Saddam to walk out of the encountered stalemates in collaboration with other terrorist groups. At least this information could habitually work as effective precautionary measures to react just in good time.

The Iraqi Government should have monitored Mojahedin to ascertain the breakdown of such potentiality but, unfortunately because of Americans sham conflict with Mojahedin who benefited their support, the government failed to make any scrutiny into the camp to discover what was really going on therein, where Mojahedin claimed to be a residing place and nothing more. Only an access to the pile of the existing documents in Ashraf can reveal to what degree the organization has been engaged in spying and intelligence activities that are tied to Iraq’s present and future, documents that Iraq may have classified as top secret and would expose Mojahedin to charges of treason.

Almost all the countries that were in some variance with Mojahedin had to deal with such trouble. France is one example that is still grappling with the consequences of Mojahedin’s presence on its soil. The reports of the DST (French Counter-intelligence), some parts of which have been released publically, well indicate that the country has hardly been immune to intelligence activities of the organization. Noteworthy about Ashraf, no responsible authority and forces have done a thorough search of the camp and the organization’s quantity of hardware and software that may contain sensitive documents and information which can be easily carried out of the camp unnoticed and under the cover of the organization’s properties. It will not be wrong to say that Ashraf is an unearthed centre of accumulated secrets and untold not only about the mysteries of Saddam’s reign but post-Saddam events that played a role to deter restoration of security to war and terrorism worn Iraq. Some do not heed warnings as they may believe that a disarmed terrorist group is like a fangless viper but Mojahedin are professionals in intelligence activities, a threat identical with terrorist operations and even exceed the danger.

Being disarmed, Mojahedin’s alternative for military operation has been an energetic involvement in intelligence activities. Of course, any probe may fail to discover very sophisticated equipment and apparatuses needed for such activities, but the organization’s potentiality easily solves the question of equipment as it has in the past and in the course of its struggle. Testimonies by the ex-members are the best evidences to fathom the organization’s intelligence menace. Engaged in a struggle against the Pahlavi’s regime, the organization exploited a variety of methods to intrude and eavesdrop on the regime’s systems, security and confidential conversations. Here are assertions of intelligence intrusions dating back nearly to thirty years ago exposed by Saeed Shahsandi.

We would eavesdrop on all SAVAK’s controlled six zones in Tehran and would record all their reports sent to their headquarters. We had also succeeded to have access to radio frequencies of SAVAK’s operation and hunting teams to gain information and thus, little by little we had an accumulation of accurate information about personal information of SAVAK’s ranking officers.

Our hold was so influential that we had exact information about the operation teams and knew many ranking SAVAK officers by name and tone of their voice.

Moniri Javid (a member of Mojahedin) had developed an ordinary tape recorder into a device that could automatically trace the radio frequencies and record conversations.
We had built devices as small as a pocket radio. It could be easily turned into a wireless radio and so sophistically it had been designed that hardly any professional technician of the Counter-Saboteur Committee could distinguish it from an ordinary radio.

I am not exaggerating when I say how we gathered information. I remember recording conversations of Dr. Iqbal’s driver checking in room in Mashad Hotel Hite for his mistress. Or the conversations of Abdol-Majid Majidi, a Minister in Hoveyd’s cabinet, and many other authorities of the ousted regime.

Our gathered information included a list of hundreds and thousands agents infiltrated into offices and organizations, accurate reports of the wanted or arrested people and students and the reports of many labor and social protests by SAVAK sent to its headquarters. So precise and up to date were the information that sometimes we had to deliberately change some parts to reduce the sensitivity and suspicious before publishing them for the public.

Reza Rezaee would reiterate that the gathered information were of the highest strategic importance to the organization and worth of a few lives to safeguard them.

Our eavesdropping equipment referred to as “silent” as well as a security bulletin published under the guidance of Sharifvaqifi effectively safeguarded the organization against unexpected strikes. The bulletin’s paper was so thin that could be easily destroyed if subjected to a danger.

As stated, such activities belong to the organization’s early days of struggle and no doubt it has made significant progress in many fields. Another point, it never lets precious experiences and potentialities idle whenever it has opportunities to utilize them for its interests; it is the extent of these intelligence and security information that remains a matter of obscurity. The Iraqi Government needs to be more watchful before the secrets and data slink out of Ashraf.

December 5, 2009 0 comment

Massoud Rajavi

Ashraf, Rajavi’s favored horse to ride

Rajavi’s message of November 4, seemingly addressed to Iranian mobs who instigated the recent sporadic domestic crises, is nothing more than desperate struggle to cease the already started measures to put an end to the issue of Mojahedin in Iraq and the Camp Ashraf residents in particular. The message contains points that explicitly indicate, in contrast to Rajavi’s But Rajavi never mentions who has paid for the construction of Ashraf instantaneous reaction to and analysis of the post-election social chaos, Rajavi has completely lost any hope of exploiting the opportunity to expend it for the accomplishment of organizational causes. Starting with lines of repetitious slogans and slanders that are typical of his messages, he suddenly changes to the main issue, that is Camp Ashraf, to express his concern about its future.

Of course, as usual his tone is threatening and warns the Iraqi Government of a possible human tragedy inside the camp and those acquainted with his words know well what he means by the stated “human tragedy”. Although he accepts the relocation of the camp to a third country, preferably to the United States or a country member of the European Union as he names, the move is subject to certain conditions that he knows will not be accomplished at least until the end of 2011. Of the interesting points to mention is his demand of over 200 million dollars as the price of Camp Ashraf from the Iraqi Government. He states:

Mojahedin in Ashraf welcome and respect the recent plan of the Iraqi Government to relocate them to a third country from among the member countries of the EU or the U.S. with the provision that the issue of their properties and belongings there, all the result of their travail for 23 years, that exceed 200 million dollars is dealt with under the judgment of the international lawyers and according to the articles 52 and 53 of the Hague Convention.

But he never mentions who has paid for the construction of Ashraf. A look at the documents disclosing huge amounts of dollars Saddam had allocated to Mojahedin indicates the real owners of the camp; for sure, if brought before the Hague Tribunal, Rajavi fails to be recognized the owner but the Iraqi poor people whose money was expended for the unwanted guests. No doubt, Mojahedin were empty handed when they arrived at Iraq in 1986 and in need of aid. Now, Rajavi has to explain how he managed to build a “city” with an empty pocket or where all the aids came from? But it is not only the question of the expenses and aids spent for Ashraf. As Rajavi points out:

The fighters of the National Liberation Army (NLA) surrendered 20 thousand pieces of arms and 20 thousand tones of ammunition to the American forces as a deal to give them protection until the ultimate solution.

Not speaking of all those granted sums of dollars by Saddam as well as paying for daily military, logistics, espionage and training expenses. However, nobody questions him why on the one hand he is trying to connect his organization to the periodically fomented crises in Iran that he believes will promise an imminent victory while on the other hand he does his utmost to stay in Iraq and to postpone the organization’s expulsion. We read:

First, the United Nation has prohibited any forceful relocation of Ashraf residents as protected persons. Second, we least expect the American forces to guarantee any violent assault against the residents and their relocation to another camp in Iraq until the end of 2011. Third, the Iraqi Government must respect the rights of Ashraf residents according to the European Parliament’s Resolution issued on 24 April 2009 until they are transferred to the U.S. member countries of the E.U.

Rajavi himself knows better than anybody that the best thing to do at the present is to do and say nothing since at least the past thirty years has proved that his promised democratic revolution is nothing more that childish fancies and that he is living by fancies and slogans rather than reality. How can he chants the slogans of leading a revolution while he is hiding somewhere far behind the people he tries to push and instigate for violence as a move to fulfill democracy? Where are these so-called vanguards of revolution and what are their legal rights when, in his message, he says:

By respecting the Iraqi sovereignty and all countries wherein the members, supporters and sympathizers of Mojahedin Khalq Organization reside, we insist on our legal rights to our last breath.”

We have nothing to do with whom are harboring Rajavi and his close disciples but one thing is clear that his stressed legal rights are acceptance of him and his adherents in the referred countries; that is the essence of his message and what you can read between the lines of his blustering and fuss. This message, as were his last messages and will be the case with his future one, focuses on the preservation of Ashraf as his cult’s main abode rather than leaving for any far better host country. To depict it in a figurative way, Ashraf is Rajavi’s favored horse he loves to ride whenever he encounters an opportunity!

November 24, 2009 0 comment

Iraq

A golden opportunity for Iraqi government

It is now more than two months since the Iraqi police have deployed in camp Ashraf to take its control in hand. According to the ultimatum of Iraqi government to Mojahedin, they must make a clear decision on either leaving Iraq or moving voluntarily to Iran. Meanwhile, the evidences indicate that Iraqi government is to transfer MKO members to another region in Iraq temporarily up to the time when they choose one of the above alternatives. What is of utmost importance is that the process of decision making on the destiny of Mojahedin in Iraq will end in next months.

In the interim, Iraqi government can focus its attention on remedial and restorative measures taken for MKO members the mechanisms of which have been elaborated on before. One of these mechanisms is removing the barriers on the way of arranging meetings between MKO members and their family members. One of the barriers was putting the organizational authority and management of camp Ashraf in the hands of MKO leaders that prevented Ashraf residents to have face to face meetings with their family free from the control of Ashraf leaders who banned any such meeting. Now, despite the existence of some barriers, the conditions are improving ever increasingly.

Evidently, the removal of a great part of barbed wires around Camp Ashraf has decreased the supervisional and organizational control of MKO leaders on Ashraf residents. Now, Ashraf residents are in a better condition compared to past due to the fact that they never thought of a day when they could leave camp Ashraf. Of course, their false perceptions have been the result of the misinformation distributed by MKO leaders who reiterated the impossibility of leaving Ashraf. Another factor has been the lack of support and the failure of Mojahedin in finding a country to let them in. Of the reasons for the transfer of Mojahedin inside Iraq may be the fact that Iraq has not managed yet to find a country consent to offer refuge to MKO.

It is evident that Ashraf residents have not been aware of the inevitability of leaving Camp Ashraf and the lack of a host country. However, nowadays that some of these limitations have been removed and genuine information is given to Ashraf residents by Iraqi officials, MKO members have been aware of the past news censorship inside the organization and the reality based on which they have to leave Ashraf but have nowhere to relocate in.

They have recognized that the conditions are different now and if they had a bastion to reside in and trust in the false promises of Masoud Rajavi before, now they are even deprived of a safe haven to settle. This understanding may result in the separation and split of a great number of Ashraf residents.

Iraqi government has a key role in this regard to put another option before those wishing to leave MKO by making the background for free meetings between Ashraf residents and their family to inculcate them with the perception that they can return home. The present frustrations of MKO members is too serious and even the pressure and brainwashing mechanisms of MKO leaders cannot control it fully. Furthermore, they have found out that the control of events is no more in the hands of MKO leaders. As evidences show and also according to the statements of NCRI, at least 20 have left the organization and moved out with Iraqi forces up to now. It may prove that Iraqi officials can bring about numerous changes inside camp Ashraf even through minimal efforts.

The necessity of disrupting the organizational relations inside camp Ashraf has been elaborated on repeatedly. The current conditions of camp Ashraf have led to this disruption in all the layers that can be stopped without taking supplementary measures. The termination of the organizational authority of MKO leaders in camp Ashraf as well as making the background for members to communicate with the world outside may destroy the organizational unity of MKO and result in the split of many members.

Furthermore, getting rid of the surrounding fences of camp Ashraf and taking its full control by Iraqi forces has transformed its stifling atmosphere. As acknowledged by Mojahedin, putting up notices and announcements inside camp Ashraf aimed at informing MKO members has worried MKO leaders considerably to the point that some reports say that MKO leaders have burned some notices. Iraqi officials’ coup de grace may be inviting the family of Ashraf residents to Iraq for meeting their relatives in camp Ashraf. The fact is that Ashraf residents are now hopeful to their freedom more than any other time despite their unstable conditions. This issue as well as their availability that was never achieved before may pave the background for setting MKO members free from the cultic stranglehold of MKO leaders.

October 5, 2009 0 comment

Mujahedin Khalq; A proxy force

The dual policy of the US in dealing with MKO

It is said that seven Iranian affiliates of MKO have been tried for planning to collect money as well as one case of direct financial aid to the organization in California. The defendants have been accused of founding a disguised charity for collecting subscriptions sent to Mojahedin and have been awaiting their trial for seven years. The anti-terrorism rules of the US consider any support of terrorist organizations as a great and serious crime based on which up to 20 years of imprisonment can be determined for defendants. It implies the seriousness of the US in facing terrorism and its supporters to avoid the negative effects of terrorism for the US citizens and government.

Iran-Efshagari site of Mojahedin has released this news and quotes the defendants as accepting this accusation and crowing about it. It also enlists the name of the defendants as follows: Roya Rahmani, Alireza Mohammad Moradi, Mostafa Ahmadi, Hosein Afshari, Hasan Rezaee, Navid Taj, and Mohammad Omidvar. The rationale behind imposing a severe punishment for laundering and assisting Mojahedin is its conflict with the anti-terrorism rules of the US and the fact that the US is highly sensitive about terrorist groups and gives priority to fighting against terrorism. It is even much heavier than the retributions awaiting MKO members and sympathizers in Iran that is the main victim of the terrorist activities of the organization. It seems that the US is to prove its decisiveness in fighting terrorism due to its irreparable costs for its nation and government. It also implies the deeper understanding of the US of the issue of terrorism compared to that of the European countries. It is necessary for all countries to join the US in acting against terrorism.

This is one aspect of the issue yet the other side of the coin is the dual policy of the US toward terrorism and MKO in particular. Here this question arises: what is the difference between the US and other nations and governments in foiling the danger of terrorism? What is the reason the US has turned the right to fight against terrorism as a monopoly of itself while in Iraq it supports the presence of MKO as a recognized terrorist group? Comparing 20 years of imprisonment for financial aid to MKO with the numerous terrorist activities of MKO in Iraqi soil in recent two and half a decade may reveal the insincerity of the US policy. MKO has committed various criminal acts like suppressing the Iraqi dissidents, monetary misuses, interference in internal affairs of Iraq, cooperating with Iraqi problematic trends as well as allying with the governmental terrorism of Saddam at a time when there is no country to legitimize Saddam or Mojahedin yet the US takes no step to help the Iraqi government in getting rid of this terrorist group.

The American court accuses MKO sympathizers up to 20 years of imprisonment for giving financial aid to Mojahedin while the head and body of the organization are settled in Iraq under the support of the US disregarding their apparent interference in internal affairs of Iraq. In fact, the US is acting as the shield of Mojahedin against the sovereignty of Iraq. Why the legal right of Iraq in expelling MKO from its soil has been broken and its citizens have to bear the negative consequences as well as considerable costs of the presence of a terrorist cult of personality therein? If acting sympathetically toward Mojahedin in the United States is a crime, then their expulsion from Iraq is the least the Iraqi people may demand from international bodies. At a time when the presence of seven MKO sympathizers in the US is so punished, the presence of a great number of MKO members in Iraq responsible for mass terrors therein has evidently a heavier compensation.

The US government has to accept the truth that if Mojahedin are terrorist and dangerous, then all nations and governments have the right to confront them. The judiciary system of Iraq has enlisted a number of MKO members to be arrested for committing crime against humanity.

However, up to the time being the execution of this vote has been hindered due to the mentioned supports and the act of the US in stepping between Mojahedin and the law. The excuses of the US for their dual policy are still unclear. It has even classified terrorism into good and bad terrorism. It seems that the US has an instrumental viewpoint toward Mojahedin and also refrains to pay any cost for its fight against MKO outside its soil yet it has to appease Mojahedin by supporting them in Iraq. In other words, the US is to introduce itself as the pioneer of fighting terrorism and also is to keep this good terrorism for a rainy day. If so, the Iraqi people are the primary victims of the US strategy.

June 2, 2009 0 comment

Mujahedin Khalq 's Function

Logic of cultic Mojahedin in global scene

Despite the fact that Mojahedin have been accused of many criminal acts and terrorist activities in Iraq in the reign of Saddam including their alliance with him in suppressing Iraqi dissidents, misusing international humanitarian aid, Oil-for-Food program for example, as well as their current interference in the internal affairs of Iraqi government like intensifying religious and tribal conflicts, supporting terrorist groups, cooperating with problematic trends, the group’s hostile position toward Iraq has remained unchanged and they are still insisting on their illegal settlement therein.

It reveals that wherever settled, Mojahedin disregarding their wrongdoings and criminal acts, take a superior position toward the governments, individuals, and international bodies. This kind of relation has its roots in the totalitarian and absolutist viewpoints of Mojahedin and their methodology based on an authoritarian ideology that considers the outsiders as inferior. The organization regards itself the criteria of absolute truth in the world; a viewpoint that is evident in the position takings of Mojahedin in recent years. How a cultic-terrorist organization has managed to impose itself on the relations of governments and global society is an issue to be investigated in depth. In this regard, the mechanisms and levers of this strategy based on terrorist practices and threats have been repeatedly elaborated on.

The recent transitions in Iraq confirm that Mojahedin grab at all means and pay all costs to uphold their illegal settlement in Iraq to the point that they have even endangered the integrity and independence of Iraq asking for the extension of the presence of the US forces in Iraq. In other words, the independence and freedom of Iraqi citizens and government come to lie in the hands of a cultic and terrorist group.

As it was pointed out, Mojahedin assume the main role in all the challenges and issues of the region and even world to the point that this viewpoint has turned to a strategy of dealing with any government. It is much easy to prove that Mojahedin misuse international conventions as a subterfuge and seize the precious "protected persons status" for postponing their expulsion from Iraq. They will pursue their objectives through this trick as long as there is the least possibility of misusing international levers and also as experience shows, in case of failing they would change their strategy in a blink of an eye and discard no threat and cultic-terrorist practice for furthering their objectives.
An obvious example is their current status in which despite their illegal presence in Iraq, they have resorted to the trick of the "protected persons status" to evade the challenges. Bijan Niyabati, of the main ideologues of MKO, openly declares that in the present conditions, the "protected persons status" has replaced Mojahedin armed struggle and is a solution for ending the current crisis until the time when Mojahedin take back their arms:

The worthy alternative of status or the protected persons status, both in the previous and present critical conditions have guarantee, even far beyond any other practical means, the survival of the mentioned army forces.

France has borne the consequences of the unexpected terrorist activities of Mojahedin in various occasions like the negative reaction of the organization after the banishment of a number of MKO members to Gabon, Masoud Rajavi’s expulsion from France, and Maryam Rajavi’s arrest in the form of cultic self-immolations that ended in the submission of judiciary system of France. Despite the fact that at the time being a minor part of MKO members reside in Auvers-sur-Oise, France has paid considerable costs for its negligence and multi-purpose policy toward the organization let alone the time when the remnant members of MKO enter France. There is no doubt that Mojahedin would be expelled from Iraq in near future and pursue their current policy wherever they settle.

France has to act logically in case of the transfer of Ashraf residents to its soil and foil the efforts of Mojahedin in preventing their host to make any decision for their location even if it makes them ally with the opposition groups and parties of the refugee givers or commit terrorist activities therein as they did in Iraq. As long as Mojahedin make use of the lever of cultic practices like self-immolation, referred to by Rajavi as a human disaster, governments are forced to surrender and grant a portion of the absolute rights of their citizens to Mojahedin as a cost for their humanitarian and altruistic viewpoints. The opportunistically ever-changing strategy and ideological doctrine of Mojahedin helps them to end their challenges. As Rajavi has repeatedly stated in the internal relations, all governments, and superpowers in particular, surrender to the activities of the so-called daredevil individuals (MKO members) due to their conservative inclinations and it suffices for MKO’s success and paves the way for the achievement of all its objectives.

May 26, 2009 0 comment

MEK Camp Ashraf

Ashraf ailing residents, a pressure tool for MKO

In its recent propaganda blitz over the condition of the members in Camp Ashraf MKO has claimed that the controlling forces of Camp Ashraf have prevented the entrance of Iraqi physicians to Ashraf for the treatment of a number of patients therein including one afflicted with cancer and two in need of a surgery operation as well as a case of appendectomy; whereas, Manoochehr Hezarkhani in his recent article on the facilities of Camp Ashraf has claimed that Ashraf has an equipped hospital and can even cure Iraqi people. In addition to these baseless claims, there are other points in this statement that are to be elaborated on.

1. Undoubtedly, one of the tricks of the organization in recent years has been misusing humanitarian emotions of the world and evoking sympathy of outsiders toward Ashraf residents especially in the critical periods when the organization has been under pressure of law and international conventions. An instance is the hunger strike of MKO members in Auver-sur-Oise after the events of 17 June 2003 when the strikers pretended to be in a very bad condition in front of media reporters to win the sympathy of their audience. The claims of MKO can be evaluated as another instance of the old tactic of the organization.

In this regard, Mojahedin have made their utmost efforts to channel their propaganda war against Mowaffaq al-Rubaie and incite public emotions against him. It is also likely that Mojahedin accuse him of some accidental or organized deaths occurred inside Camp Ashraf to revenge on him. In a nutshell, the likely future events may give many subterfuges to Mojahedin for threatening Iraqi officials. Iraqi government is to take these issues into consideration not to be deceived and misused by Mojahedin.

2. MKO has a big hand at misusing all events for its own interests like the case of these patients declared by the organization. Disregarding its truth or falsehood, the authorities of Camp Ashraf have to answer the question what they have done so far for curing these patients and whether their family is aware of their illness or not? It seems that all their hurly-burly is just a matter of killing time and distracting the attention of Iraqi government from the main issue that is expulsion of Mojahedin from Iraq.

3. The next point is that Ashraf authorities have no problem in transferring their patients to Iraqi hospitals. However, they refrain to do so. If they are truthful in their claims, the conscience necessitates it to transfer their patients to Iraqi hospitals as soon as possible and put their responsibility on the shoulder of human rights organs and Red Cross. Not only the organization feels no blame if the condition of the ailing members get worse, but also they are regarded as precious tools of pressure on Iraqis and the public opinion to push forward.

April 19, 2009 0 comment

Newer Posts

Older Posts